scholarly journals Conflict and Its Resolution in Indonesian Islam: A Case Study of a Javanese Muslim Society in Riau

Author(s):  
Imron Rosidi ◽  
Maulana Maulana ◽  
Khotimah Khotimah

This paper aims to examine the extent to which a Muslim society in Indonesia solves its conflict. By using a Muslim society in Riau as a case study, this article argues that the society observed has a unique characteristic which may differ from other Muslim societies in other regions. It proposes that, in this community, the negotiation is done silently to shape the peaceful social interaction and harmonious relationship. In fact, the conflict within this society is actually corrosive when the elites have basically different education background categorized into Pesantren and University graduates making diverse ideas about religious and educational issues. The conflict is identified to be hybrid as it is not solely religious or non-religious matters. The political dimension is influential which deconstructs the meaning of charismatic leader in this society. The authority of local kiyai or kiyai kampong is renegotiated by ordinary people when the kiyai is invited to be involved in the political contest by politicians. This article provides an insight on how local Islam has proposed a best example of peaceful conflict resolution in Indonesia. It demonstrates the uniqueness of Indonesian Muslims’ way to solve their internal conflict.

1970 ◽  
Vol 11 ◽  
pp. 178-201
Author(s):  
Suresh Dhakal ◽  
Sanjeev Pokharel

The people of Nepal have witnessed a number of political shifts within a comparatively short period of the country's history. The political revolution of 1950, which precedes all important political movements, eliminated the century-long Rana oligarchy and established the multiparty system. In 1960, late King Mahendra abolished the newly established multi-party system and implemented his own model of governance called the Panchayat system. The Panchayat system was designed to allow the King to rule the country according to his will, and the system alienated ordinary people from political processes. This system, too, came to an end after the popular movement of 1990 (widely known as jana andolan) which re-established the multi-party system in the country. DOI: 10.3126/opsa.v11i0.3036 Occasional Papers in Sociology and Anthropology Vol.11 2009 178-201


2006 ◽  
Vol 14 ◽  
pp. 18
Author(s):  
Silvina Gvirtz ◽  
Silvina Larripa ◽  
Verónica Oelsner

This article presents results from different research investigations which have explored the relations between the technical and the political dimension of the assessment of educational systems. The case study taken on for this matter is the national evaluation system in force in Argentina since 1993. In the first part we present some technical problems which the implementation of this system has encountered in this country. In the second part we carry out an analysis of these technical inconveniences, within the political context of educational reform in which the evaluation system arises and develops. In addition, we present an analysis of the effective use of the information provided by the evaluations. Finally, in the conclusions, we present some considerations on the role of national evaluations in educational reform contexts, and on the prospects of their consolidation as systems which inform in a valid and reliable form about the course of education in the mid and long term.


2021 ◽  
Vol 63 (3) ◽  
pp. 97-112
Author(s):  
Bojan Kuzmanović ◽  
Srđan Blagojević

At the beginning of the last century, after several unsuccessful armed uprisings against the central government, insurgents in Ireland realized that the fight with weapons was not enough and united in the political organization Sinn Fein (Irish: Sinn Fein - "We ourselves"), respecting the security grammar (Ejdus, 2017: 30), they managed to determine what was the danger they are fighting against, what was the reference object of security (what was endangered), who was the one who protected security (subject of security) and most importantly what were the means or measures to protect security. The subsequent mobilization of forces at the political level, the expansion and deepening of the conflict led to success, especially for the population in Northern Ireland who bore the brunt during the second thirty-year escalation of the conflict (armed insurgency) in the 20th century. The activities of Catholic rebels and Protestant loyalists in the second half of the twentieth century (from 1968 to 1998) confirmed the liberal view that political and economic order reduces tensions between social groups, but also the realistic view that the entire field of security is political, as well as Galula's statement that opposing an insurgency is eighty percent a political and only twenty percent a military struggle (Galula, 1966: 63). Rebel approach, motives, interests and goals, as well as the conditions (environment) were such that the repression and engagement of the army for the implementation of police tasks such are arrest, internment, maintenance of public order and peace (Alderson, 2009: 29), instead of contributing to solving conflict, in fact contributed to decades of instability. After this, the political segment of internal conflict gained importance because the military (hard) power, as a way of achieving goals (political results), did not have a decisive influence any more. The weapons that led to success at the strategic (state) level were the processes of political reconciliation, improvement of socio-economic conditions and diplomatic relations with the Republic of Ireland. At the tactical (local) level, these were investments in education, employment, housing and local government reform. So it can be concluded that the political dimension used to have and still has the biggest significance in this and similar conflicts.


2010 ◽  
Vol 12 (4) ◽  
pp. 1-22 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bernhard Ungericht ◽  
Christian Hirt

This contribution is a reaction to the striking fact that the political aspect of CSR has remained largely hidden in most of the scientific and practice-oriented management literature. This work intends to illuminate the political dimension of CSR in that the changing stance of the European Commission toward CSR between 2001 and 2006 is analyzed and interpreted as a result of political processes within an “issue arena”. For this case study written documents from the most important actors are used (EU Commission, EU Parliament, the Council, advocacy groups and lobbies for industry and civil society CSR platforms) as well as interviews with high ranking representatives of these institutions (conducted in the spring of 2008).


Author(s):  
Beverly Bossler

This chapter examines literati correspondence in the late Song Dynasty (960-1279) through a case study of letters to officials by the quirky late Song Dynasty literatus Yao Mian (1216-1262). Yao was a brilliant prose master who was desperate for political recognition. Over the course of his volatile career, he used letters as a means of social interaction, to establish and cultivate relations of patronage, and to convey political information or demands. The chapter explores the subtle differences in tone that reflected Yao Mian’s relationships with inferiors and superiors, and reveals how movement up and down the political ladder influenced his letter-writing. This case study of a single man’s correspondence demonstrates the varied roles of epistolary communication in Song social and political life.


2017 ◽  
Vol 13 (6) ◽  
pp. 125
Author(s):  
Muhammad Amri ◽  
Saidna Zulfiqar A. Bin Tahir ◽  
Salman Ahmad

The role of culture, ethnicity, race, belief and religious sects cannot be separated from the individual and social interaction and communication that often due to the conflict of thought and interest such in the political, social, and education. Thus, this study aimed at exploring how the implementation of Islamic teaching in a multiculturalism society at three of modern pesantren schools in Makassar, i.e. pesantren IMMIM, Pondok Madinah, and pesantren Darul Arqam Muhammadiyah Gombara. This study applied qualitative approach using a case study design by conducting the in-depth observation and interview to the teachers, stakeholders, and students. The data collecting were analyzed descriptively using three-stage models of Miles and Huberman. The results found that the pesantren educational policy, teaching methods, pesantrenenvironment, stakeholders and teachers’ control, and the evaluation were the dominant factors of the successful of Islamic teaching due to the strict of reward and punishment applied by pesantren to rehearse the students’ awareness earlier to be well-behaved in a multiculturalism society.


2019 ◽  
Vol 23 (2) ◽  
pp. 156-174
Author(s):  
Cristina Fernández-Bessa

Based on a case study of border struggles within the city of Barcelona since the beginning of the 21st century, this article examines diverse types of border activism. Border activism refers to collective efforts by ordinary people to modify, mitigate or even dismantle a border regime. While several migration and citizenship scholars have analysed migrant protests and struggles, these accounts have been hardly taken into consideration within the field of criminology. My work contributes to this vacuum. Specifically, this article develops a theoretical typology for analysing four different forms of border activism: migrant struggles; de facto citizen struggles; border protests; and institutional border activism. For each form of activism, I consider its framework, the subject position of the political actors involved, the repertoires of contention utilized to achieve change and the impact of the different kinds of local actions for reshaping the border regime and the lives of migrants.


2019 ◽  
Vol 56 (6) ◽  
pp. 737-752 ◽  
Author(s):  
Daphna Canetti ◽  
Ibrahim Khatib ◽  
Aviad Rubin ◽  
Carly Wayne

How does the subjective conceptual framing of conflict impact the warring parties’ attitudes towards political compromise and negotiation? To assess strategies for conflict resolution, researchers frequently try to determine the defining dispute of a given conflict. However, involved parties often view the conflict through fundamentally distinct lenses. Currently, researchers do not possess a clear theoretical or methodological way to conceptualize the complexity of such competing frames and their effects on conflict resolution. This article addresses this gap. Using the Israeli–Palestinian conflict as a case study, we run a series of focus groups and three surveys among Jewish citizens of Israel, Palestinian citizens of Israel (PCIs), and Palestinians in the West Bank. Results reveal that three conflict frames are prominent – material, nationalist, and religious. However, the parties to the conflict differ in their dominant interpretation of the conflict. Jewish Israelis mostly frame the conflict as nationalist, whereas Palestinians, in both the West Bank and Israel, frame it as religious. Moreover, these frames impact conflict attitudes: a religious frame was associated with significantly less willingness to compromise in potential diplomatic negotiations among both Jewish and Palestinian citizens of Israel. Interestingly, differing frames had no significant impact on the political attitudes of West Bank Palestinians, suggesting that the daily realities of conflict there may be creating more static, militant attitudes among that population. These results challenge the efficacy of material solutions to the conflict and demonstrate the micro-foundations underpinning civilians’ conflict attitudes and their implications for successful conflict resolution.


Author(s):  
Kristina Dietz

The article explores the political effects of popular consultations as a means of direct democracy in struggles over mining. Building on concepts from participatory and materialist democracy theory, it shows the transformative potentials of processes of direct democracy towards democratization and emancipation under, and beyond, capitalist and liberal democratic conditions. Empirically the analysis is based on a case study on the protests against the La Colosa gold mining project in Colombia. The analysis reveals that although processes of direct democracy in conflicts over mining cannot transform existing class inequalities and social power relations fundamentally, they can nevertheless alter elements thereof. These are for example the relationship between local and national governments, changes of the political agenda of mining and the opening of new spaces for political participation, where previously there were none. It is here where it’s emancipatory potential can be found.


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