scholarly journals DISPUTE BETWEEN CHINESE AND KOREAN RESEARCHERS CONCERNING TERRITORIAL AFFILIATION OF THE KOGURYO KINGDOM IN THE LIGHT OF ARCHEOLOGICAL EXCAVATION

2017 ◽  
Vol 2 ◽  
pp. 35-48
Author(s):  
Magdalena AŁTYN
Keyword(s):  
National Identity ◽  
Border Region ◽  
Current Status ◽  
The Political ◽  
Chinese History ◽  
Ancient China ◽  
Large Area ◽  
Research Project ◽  
Academic Level ◽  
History Of

The aim of this article is to summarize knowledge regarding dispute about Koguryo territorial and historical affiliation, which occurred on the political and academic level. Between 37 BC and AD 668 ancient Kingdom of Koguryo embraced large area from central Manchuria to south of Seoul. After year 1945, when Korea regained independence Korean researchers were able to begin their studies on the foundation of the national identity. According to the “Serial Research Project on the History and Current status of the Northeast Border Region” started in China in 2002, Koguryo was an ethnic system in one of the provinces in ancient China. Through this project Chinese historians and archaeologists wanted to incorporate history of Koguryo into the Chinese history, which was not acceptable to Korean researchers. Because of such approach from both sides to this issue, both countries were forced to use archeological excavations and obtained relics in order to show the connection between past and present in both, Koguryo-China and Koguryo- Korea history.

The Social Life of Opium in China, 1483–1999

2003 ◽  
Vol 37 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-39 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yangwen Zheng
Keyword(s):  
Social Life ◽  
Armed Conflicts ◽  
Modern China ◽  
The Political ◽  
Chinese History ◽  
Major Theme ◽  
Opium Trade ◽  
The People ◽  
History Of ◽  
Opium Wars

The history of opium is a major theme in modern Chinese history. Books and academic careers have been devoted to its study. Yet the question that scholars of the opium wars and of modern China have failed to ask is how the demand for opium was generated. My puzzle, during the initial stage of research, was who smoked opium and why. Neither Chinese nor non-Chinese scholars have written much about this, with the exception of Jonathan Spence. Although opium consumption is a well-acknowledged fact, the reasons for its prevalence have never been fully factored into the historiography of the opium wars and of modern China. Michael Greenberg has dwelt on the opium trade, Chang Hsin-pao and Peter Fay on the people and events that made armed conflicts between China and the West unavoidable. John Wong has continued to focus on imperialism, James Polachek on Chinese internal politics while Opium regimes: China, Britain, and Japan, 1839–1952, the latest work, has studied the political systems that controlled opium. But the political history of opium, like the opium trade and the theatre of war, is only part of the story. We need to distinguish them from the wider social and cultural life of opium in China. The vital questions are first, the point at which opium was transformed from a medicine to a luxury item and, secondly, why it became so popular and widespread after people discovered its recreational value. It is these questions that I address. We cannot fully understand the root problem of the opium wars and their role in the emergence of modern China until we can explain who was smoking opium and why they smoked it.

Twentieth‐Century China

2012 ◽  
Author(s):  
Uradyn E. Bulag
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
National Identity ◽  
Ethnic Groups ◽  
Ethnic Relations ◽  
The Political ◽  
Chinese History ◽  
Contemporary China ◽  
Acculturation Process ◽  
Political Concept

This article invokes a Chinese political concept of ‘sinicization’, aiming to capture the nature of ethnic relations in China historically, and the political fate of ethnic groups in contemporary China. Sinicization has powerful genealogical and governmental dimensions; it is not primarily an ‘acculturation’ process as it is understood generally. Sinicization may not kill people directly, but it murders the non- Chinese sense of genealogical differences and their polities. The discussion concludes that sinicization has made a remarkable success in the PRC more than at any other time in Chinese history. Chinese policies have been directed at destroying the possibility that non-Chinese national identity might have any political meaning, at destroying the minorities' capacity to think and engage in politics independently as sovereign ethnic groups.

Is there a non-socialist Swedish feminism?

2020 ◽  
Vol 27 (3) ◽  
pp. 301-309 ◽  
Author(s):  
Irene Molina
Keyword(s):  
National Identity ◽  
Gender Equality ◽  
Social Inequalities ◽  
The Political ◽  
Postcolonial Feminism ◽  
Academic World ◽  
Structural Class ◽  
State Institutions ◽  
Gender Research ◽  
History Of

Based on a narrative of the recent history of postcolonial feminism within and outside the Swedish academic world, this article discusses the controversial relationship between feminism and politics. Installing a socialist inspired perspective on intersectionality in Swedish feminist debates and in gender research has been a hard task for postcolonial feminists in a society whose self-imagination excludes the recognition of racism as a fundamental component of the national identity. Moreover, as the country moves rapidly towards a neoliberalization of the former Keynesian Swedish welfare state, racism and homo-nationalism spreads out and permeates the political sphere and state institutions. The author emphasizes the importance for postcolonial feminists to continuously highlight the chasm that exists between neoliberal understandings of gender equality, which are not meant to eradicate structural class, gender, racial or other social inequalities, and those emanating from socialist and anti-racist feministic ontologies.

scholarly journals Pressurizing the Politics of The Crucible: a Brechtian Production of Arthur Miller’s Modern Classic

2019 ◽  
Vol 35 (04) ◽  
pp. 325-340
Author(s):  
David Barnett
Keyword(s):  
Theory And Practice ◽  
The Political ◽  
Arthur Miller ◽  
Research Project ◽  
Production History ◽  
History Of ◽  
And Performance ◽  
Theatre Theory ◽  
The University ◽  
Witch Hunts

In this article David Barnett documents a practice-as-research project that employed Brechtian approaches to stage dramatic material. The Crucible by Arthur Miller is a realist text in which the protagonist, John Proctor, redeems himself for the sin of adultery by taking a heroic stand against the Salem witch-hunts. Existing scholarship has revealed a series of gendered biases in the form and content of the play, yet these findings have never been systematically realized in performance. While appearing to defend democratic values, the play’s dramaturgical strategies coerce agreement, and this represents a fundamental contradiction. Brecht offers a method that preserves the written dialogue, but interprets it critically onstage, deploying a range of devices derived from a materialist and dialectical interpretation. The aim of the production was to re-present a play with a familiar production history and problematize the political bases on which it conventionally rested. The article discusses the rationale for the theory and practice of contemporary Brechtian theatre and offers the production as a model for future critical realizations of other realist plays. David Barnett is Professor of Theatre at the University of York. His publications include A History of the Berliner Ensemble (CUP, 2015), Brecht in Practice: Theatre, Theory and Performance (Bloomsbury, 2014), amd Rainer Werner Fassbinder and the German Theatre (CUP, 2005).

scholarly journals Kungfu/wǔshù in the promotion of China’s culture and image

2019 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 61-73
Author(s):  
Ewa Ciembroniewicz
Keyword(s):  
National Identity ◽  
Cultural History ◽  
Human Activity ◽  
Martial Arts ◽  
Specific Form ◽  
The Political ◽  
Chinese Tradition ◽  
Sports Diplomacy ◽  
Cultural Aspect ◽  
History Of

AbstractSport is a specific form of human activity, contingent on the political and socio-cultural history of a given region/state, strengthening national identity and sense of the distinctiveness of entities living in that region or state. At the same time, it has an unquestionable influence on the process of building and strengthening the country’s image in the international arena.Chinese martial arts are treated not only as a sport called wǔshù, but also as a carrier of centuries-old Chinese tradition. This cultural aspect of kungfu/wǔshù means that the promotion of these martial arts should be considered not only from the perspective of sports diplomacy, but also from a broader perspective, based on the analysis of cultural diplomatic activity in China.

scholarly journals Fathers, Sons, and Identity in the Galicia. Mykola Hankevyč and Henryk Wereszycki

2018 ◽  
Vol 11 ◽  
pp. 73-77
Author(s):  
Ihor ČORNOVOL
Keyword(s):  
National Identity ◽  
Democratic Party ◽  
Concentration Camps ◽  
The Political ◽  
Postwar Period ◽  
Social Democratic Party ◽  
Social Democratic ◽  
National Memory ◽  
In Captivity ◽  
History Of

The author approached the problem of national identity – the most popular topic among Ukrainian scholars still – in the terms of relativism. Despite the ancestry, a person might choose other identity in Ukraine. The article focuses on biography of Henryk Wereszycki (1898–1990), a Polish historian. His natural father Mykola Hankevyč was a leader of the Ukrainian Social-Democratic Party, mother was Rosa Altenberg, a daughter of a Jewish book trader. Contrary to his parents, Henryk became neither Ukrainian, nor Jewish but a prominent Polish historian. After graduating from the Faculty of History of Lviv University, H. Vereshytskyi taught history at Lviv gymnasiums. In 1930 was published his first book «Austria and the 1863 Uprising». For the last four pre-war summers he worked as a librarian at the Pilsudski Institute in Warsaw. In September 1939, H. Vereshytskyi participated in the fighting for Warsaw, was captured and spent five years in fascist concentration camps. His mother, brother and sister were died in captivity. In the postwar period G. Vereshytsky continued his career as a historian.From 1945 to 1947 he worked in the Institute of National Memory, 1947–1956 – docent of Wroclaw University, 1956–1969 – Professor, later is a Doctor of Jagiellonian University. The entire edition of his first book «The Political History of Poland. 1864–1918» (1948) was destroyed by censorship. This book (first reprinted in Poland in 1990), as well as his «History of Austria» and «Under the Habsburgs» were included in the gold fund of Polish historiography. Keywords socialism in Galicia, Polish historiography, Rozalia Altenberg, Mykola Hankevych, Henryk Vereshytskyi.

scholarly journals On the Identification of So-Called “Meskhetian Turks”

2019 ◽  
pp. 162-171
Author(s):  
Tina Ivelashvili
Keyword(s):  
National Identity ◽  
Research Process ◽  
Ethnic Composition ◽  
The Political ◽  
New Order ◽  
Muslim Population ◽  
Political Situation ◽  
International Agencies ◽  
History Of ◽  
Multiethnic Population

Introduction. The problem of repatriation of the Muslim population, so-called “Meskhetian Turks” exiled in 1944 from Samtskhe-Javakheti and acceptance of their national identity has long worried Georgian people. The opinions on this subject vary drastically. Depending on the political situation, this issue periodically emerges (possibly deliberately) as a controversy. Comparison and analysis of currently available written sources, special and general literature, documents, recently studied ethnographic materials finally provide an opportunity to define who the “Meskhetian Turks” are. In addition, they reveal who is benefiting from using this artificially created term and for what purpose. Methods and materials. The materials concerning these problems and their classification are based on the methods developed by Ac.G. Chitaia, the founder of Georgian Ethnographic School. They contain different methods of complex-intensive as well as generalization and historical characters. Analysis. Muslimized population (Tarakams, Kurds, Turks, and later Georgian Muslims) mostly lived in Akhalkalaki and Akhaltsikhe provinces before the exile. Prior to 1940, the religious and ethnic composition of the population was rather diverse. This area was inhabited by indigenous Christians and partly Islamized Georgians. They were later joined by sheltered Kurds, Turks, Armenians and Karapapakhs. Calling them “Meskhetian Turks” has a specific purpose and the term is artificially spread in Georgian society. This type of action does not happen in any other country. One may wonder if various governmental, non-governmental and international agencies that have appeared in Georgia like mushrooms after the rain, know about this fact. Or, maybe they know it but under the influence of the governing forces of “the new order” and wholesome funding they deliberately destroy the national identity and integrity of the centuries-old history of the Georgian nation. One should use the term “Muslimized Meskhetians” but never “Meskhetian Turks” (the diverse tribal muslim population exiled from Samtskhe-Javakheti) to refer to the population of several million indigenous muslimized Georgians who are living on their historic territory (Tao-Klarjeti, Kola- Artaani, Shavsheti, Lazistan, etc.), currently Turkey. Results. The research process highlights the following: according to the results of the study, it becomes possible to develop a number of recommendations which will help the multiethnic population of Samtskhe-Javakhethi live in a peaceful way and accelerate the adaptation and integration processes.

FIRST SEMINAR ‘DYNASTIES AND SUCCESSION TO THE THRONE IN ANCIENT CHINA’. SERIES “COLLOQUIUM STANISLAVI. TERMINOLOGY DESCRIBING POWER AND KINSHIP IN ANCIENT CHINA”

2020 ◽  
pp. 318-325
Author(s):  
Marina E. Kuznetsova-Fetisova ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Ming Dynasty ◽  
Chinese History ◽  
Ancient History ◽  
Ancient China ◽  
Historical Sources ◽  
History Of ◽  
Oriental Studies ◽  
Academy Of Sciences ◽  
Historical Periods ◽  
China Series

In a number of issues and problems in contemporary Sinology opinions of experts still differ sharply; this also extends to the ancient history of China. A series of seminars “‘Colloquium Stanislavi’. Terminology Describing Power and Kinship in Ancient China” held in the Chinese Department of the Institute of Oriental Studies, Russian Academy of Sciences, is envisioned as a platform for discussions on the most pressing issues, exchanging of views, and development of new terminology. The first seminar on the topic “Dynasties and Succession to the Throne in Ancient China” was held on November 18, 2020, with over 35 researchers taking part in the seminar. Traditionally, 24 dynastic histories are distinguished in the history of China; “dynastic history” being the name of the traditional historical sources describing the rule of a particular house; later the very historical periods were called accordingly. But these traditional denominations, for example, the Shang or Ming dynasty, did not coincide with the surname of the clan that ruled at that time. The discussion clearly revealed two main problems: Firstly, the lack of an adequate term to describe the phenomenon of Chinese history, which is now called “24 Dynastic Stories” and, secondly, the need to determine terminology conveying such major Chinese concepts like dai (代) and chao (朝).

Sons of a Beach

2017 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 177-193
Author(s):  
Nouri Gana
Keyword(s):  
National Identity ◽  
Cultural Identity ◽  
Public Sphere ◽  
Cultural Politics ◽  
The Political ◽  
Child Molestation ◽  
Playing Field ◽  
History Of ◽  
Familial Relations ◽  
New Generation

This article examines the cultural politics of bastardy in the films of Tunisian filmmaker Nouri Bouzid at a time when questions of national and cultural identity have come to the fore in Tunisia in the wake of the Revolution of Freedom and Dignity. Nouri Bouzid is the doyen of Tunisian cinema. Not only was he involved in every major postcolonial film, whether as a screenwriter, a scriptwriter, or even as an actor, but he single-handedly directed more than half a dozen films, each of which enjoyed wide national and international acclaim. His debut film, Man of Ashes, dramatizes the trauma of child molestation and the collapse of filial relations as well as the emergence of a new generation of men who seek to recast filial and familial relations beyond blood ties and familial limitations. This same cinematic pursuit is further developed in his later films with striking consistency and perseverance. At a time when the postrevolutionary public sphere is saturated with heated debates around Tunisian national identity, propelled by fantasies of purity and virile filiation, Bouzid’s bastard characters serve, the author argues, not only to warp and reclaim the political playing field for revolutionary purposes but also to remind Tunisians of the disturbing legacy of bastardy (instituted by a long history of colonial rape from the Romans to the French) to which they had been and continue to be heirs, and with which they have to reckon. Studying the rhetoric of bastardy in Bouzid’s cinema leaves us in the end with the touching yet unsparing conclusion that for Bouzid there are no Tunisians until they have assumed their bastardy.

The Archives of the Municipality and the High Court of Asmara, Eritrea: Discovering the Eritrea “Hidden from History”

2004 ◽  
Vol 31 ◽  
pp. 469-478
Author(s):  
Francesca Locatelli
Keyword(s):  
National Identity ◽  
The Political ◽  
Colonial History ◽  
Horn Of Africa ◽  
Nationalist Movement ◽  
High Court ◽  
Political Transformations ◽  
Guerrilla War ◽  
History Of ◽  
Definition Of

Eritrean independence in 1993 raised fundamental questions regarding the Eritrean past. Inevitably, scholars initially focused their analysis on the history of the Eritrean nationalist movement and liberation struggle. The long guerrilla war against the Ethiopian regime attracted the interest of numerous researchers, not only because of its implications for the redefinition of the political landscape of the Horn of Africa, but also because of the ways in which it had mobilized and reorganized Eritrean society. While this literature has shed much light upon interesting aspects of the political history of independent Eritrea, further investigation of the precolonial and colonial past is still required to gain a deeper understanding of the formation of Eritrean national identity in all its intricate facets.The question of Eritrean national identity is intimately connected to its colonial history, which in many ways remains marginalized in the analysis of Eritrean past. The Italian colonial period between 1890 and 1941 was a crucial moment in the definition of those social and political transformations which contributed to the formation of Eritrea-as-a-nation. Nevertheless, this historical phase remains underexplored. The colonial past has been an issue that European powers to varying extents have had to confront since the end of empire. Both historians of colonialism and Africanist historians have collaborated in the reconstruction of the past of colonized societies. In Italy this process remains in embryonic form. Many Africanist historians, such as Irma Taddia and Alessandro Triulzi, have already addressed the problem concerning the gaps left by Italian historiography on both the colonial past and the history of the colonized societies in its various aspects. As Triulzi points out, both practical and political reasons slowed the development of those debates that were emerging in the historiographies of other excolonial powers.

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