scholarly journals Wpływ paranoi politycznej na dyskurs publiczny w Polsce

Author(s):  
Jakub Jakubowski

The transition of the Polish political system has had a significant influence on the shape of public discourse. Undoubtedly, politicians’ and society members’ disposition to paranoid behaviour is the reason of public debate`s exacerbation and deep conflict between conservatives and liberals. The abundance of political changes, breakthrough circumstances and crisis situations in the last few years have fuelled this trend. In fact, the influence of political paranoia on Polish discourse seems to be destabilised and it provokes a question: how to make debate more substantive and rational?

2016 ◽  
Vol 18 ◽  
pp. 220-242 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marta Turkot

Political correctness as a norm of behaviour in liberal political culture is criticized as a sophisticated type of modern censorship, or stronger, as an ideological tool in the hands of part of Western political and cultural elites. Nonetheless, it appears to play important and necessary functions in a democratic system. Even if we agree that political correctness is cynical and hypocritical by nature, it does not lose its value. Its ambiguous potential can be creatively used, particularly in the areas of public discourse, deliberation and public debate, but also in other important spheres of liberal political culture and, more broadly, the democratic political system.


2020 ◽  
Vol 51 (4) ◽  
pp. 844-864
Author(s):  
Eric Linhart ◽  
Oke Bahnsen

The German electoral law to the federal parliament was reformed in 2011 and in 2013 . While political scientists have extensively evaluated consequences of these reforms, the role of the public discourse has been largely neglected . We analyze articles from three leading German newspapers (FAZ, SZ, Welt) on this topic and find the debate around the reforms to be dominated by parties and political institutions . Scientists, interest groups, and journalists have only played minor roles . Regarding content, the discourse largely focused on surplus seats, reform speed, and a proposal by the CDU/CSU‑FDP coalition government in 2011 . A broad public debate in which multiple social groups could participate has not taken place . From a normative perspective this is problematic since the lack of a public debate might have contributed to the poor quality of the reform’s result .


AI & Society ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 35 (4) ◽  
pp. 927-936 ◽  
Author(s):  
Leila Ouchchy ◽  
Allen Coin ◽  
Veljko Dubljević

Abstract As artificial intelligence (AI) technologies become increasingly prominent in our daily lives, media coverage of the ethical considerations of these technologies has followed suit. Since previous research has shown that media coverage can drive public discourse about novel technologies, studying how the ethical issues of AI are portrayed in the media may lead to greater insight into the potential ramifications of this public discourse, particularly with regard to development and regulation of AI. This paper expands upon previous research by systematically analyzing and categorizing the media portrayal of the ethical issues of AI to better understand how media coverage of these issues may shape public debate about AI. Our results suggest that the media has a fairly realistic and practical focus in its coverage of the ethics of AI, but that the coverage is still shallow. A multifaceted approach to handling the social, ethical and policy issues of AI technology is needed, including increasing the accessibility of correct information to the public in the form of fact sheets and ethical value statements on trusted webpages (e.g., government agencies), collaboration and inclusion of ethics and AI experts in both research and public debate, and consistent government policies or regulatory frameworks for AI technology.


2006 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-18 ◽  
Author(s):  
J. R. Miller

Abstract Although contemporary events have made it appear that there is widespread support in Canada for history as a discipline, the reality is otherwise. Many individuals, interest groups, and even institutions make considerable use of historical arguments in public debate to advance their causes, it is true. However, it is almost invariably the case that these advocates making historical arguments are not historians. This painful reality was brought home to the historical profession in 1996-97 by such events as the release of the Final Report of the Royal Commission on Aboriginal Peoples and the debates over public policy issues such as copyright reform and a protocol for research involving humans. It is essential to the future of the discipline and of organisations such as CHAJSHC that historians reassert their role in the processes of researching, interpeting, and utilizing history in public discourse and academic arenas.


This book discusses freedom of speech, which is central to the liberal democratic tradition. Freedom of speech touches on every aspect of our social and political system and receives explicit and implicit protection in every modern democratic constitution. Moreover, it is frequently referred to in public discourse and has inspired a wealth of legal and philosophical literature. The book provides a critical analysis of the foundations, rationales, and ideas that underpin freedom of speech as a political idea, and as a principle of positive constitutional law. In doing so, it examines freedom of speech in a variety of national and supranational settings from an international perspective.


2011 ◽  
Vol 10 (5) ◽  
pp. 735-765
Author(s):  
Joanna Bielecka-Prus

Abstract In this article I discuss the social roles of Polish sociologists in the period between 1945 and 1989. Sociologists in Poland are assumed to have constituted a heterogeneous group representing various attitudes towards the political system. Over time, they defined their intellectual role in public discourse differently. This picture remains incomplete without consideration of some crucial aspects: whether there were ways in which sociologists neutralized their participation in building the regime; and the techniques used for evasion and “legal criticism” of the system. The analysis is based on my comments of well-known sociologists published in the press and in books. Issues discussed include the function of sociology, the role of sociologists in a socialist country, and the position of sociology among other sciences and political doctrines.


2000 ◽  
Vol 62 (1) ◽  
pp. 36-38
Author(s):  
Glenn Tinder

As a protest, the argument of Professors Glenn and Stack is valid and important. That the realm of public debate is largely closed to those who stand explicitly on Judaic and Christian principles is an intellectual scandal. This closure, of course, is the doing not of the courts (even though it accords with attitudes quite evident in the courts) but of academicians, journalists, and various political activists who are quick to rule any appeal to religious premises, as well as any moral judgments thought to derive therefrom, such as the evil of abortion, out of order. Their ostensible justification is that public discourse must be based on premises common to all participants. Such a justification may be superficially plausible, but it is worse than dubious. It enables opponents of religion to narrow their minds without compunction and to constrict the public realm. In effect, contemporary secularists say to would-be religious interlocutors, “Yours are arguments we refuse even to face or consider.”


2017 ◽  
Vol 63 ◽  
pp. 49
Author(s):  
Hans Andrias Sølvará

<p><strong>Abstract:</strong> There have been 14 referendums in the Faroe Islands about very different issues. In this paper these referendums will be analysed in relation to the use of referendums in the Faroe Islands – from the perspective of the political system as well as from the view of the voter. A comparison will be made with similar referendums in Denmark, Iceland and Australia. An attempt to classify Faroese referendums in accordance with international research will also be done. The conclusion in the article is 1) that historical and cultural conditions, especially the Danish Faroese relations, have influenced several of these referendums, even referendums that are not about these issues, 2) that referendums in the Faroe Islands haven’t always been well prepared by the political authorities, 3) that party politics usually have significant influence and 4) that the majority of the voters usually have used the vote to demonstrate against the more or less party politically biased intentions of the political majority that often have been underlying Faroese referendums. Generally speaking, this article concludes that if referendums are to be a real successful alternative to representative democratic deci­sion-making then they have to be preceded by negotiations where both – all – relevant oppos­ing sides agree on the referendum terms. This is especially very important when it comes to definitive referendums on secession.</p><p><strong>Úrtak:</strong> Tað hava verið 14 fólkaatkvøður um nógv ym­isk viðurskifti í Føroyum. Í greinini verður hugt eftir hesum fólkaatkvøðunum við atliti at hvussu fólkaatkvøður hava verið brúktar í Før­oyum, bæði tá tað snýr seg um politisku skip­anina og veljararnar. Samanborið verður eisini við líknandi fólkaatkvøður í Danmark, Íslandi og Avstralia. Eisini verður roynt at flokka tær føroysku fólkaatkvøðurnar við støði í altjóða gransking. Niðurstøðan í greinini er, 1) at søgulig og mentanarlig viðurskifti, serstakliga viðurskiftini millum Danmark og Føroyar, hava havt týdning fyri fleiri av hesum fólka­at­kvøðum, eisini fyri summar, ið ikki snúgva seg um hesi viðurskifti, 2) at fólkaatkvøður í Før­oy­um ikki altíð hava verið so væl fyriskipaðar av politisku skipanini, 3) at ofta hevur parta­politikkur havt nógv at siga og 4) at meirilutin av veljarunum hevur ofta brúkt sína atkvøðu til at atkvøða í móti teimum meira ella minni parta­politisku ætlanunum, sum hava ligið aft­an­fyri hesar fólkaatkvøður. Almenna niðurstøðan er, at skulu fólka­at­kvøð­ur vera eitt veruligt alternativ til um­boð­andi demokratiska støðutakan, so mugu tær grund­ast á frammanundan førdar samráðingar, har báðir – allar – viðkomandi stríðandi partar góð­taka sjálvar treytirnar undir fólkaatkvøðuni. Hetta er serliga av stórum týdningi, tá talan er um avgerandi fólkaatkvøður um fullveldi.</p>


2020 ◽  
pp. 195-212
Author(s):  
Margaret Ohia-Nowak

The word “Murzyn”as a perlocutionary speech act Whilst an array of words is used by white Poles to describe and denote Black people both outside Poland and within the country itself, in recent years, a heated public debate has taken place in Poland concerning the on-going use of the term Murzyn in everyday speech acts and in public discourse. The word actively reproduces anti-black stereotypes and racist meanings, and also conceals the prejudice, not least by virtue of the fact that a number of White Polish public persons claim that Murzyn is a neutral word used inoffensively to refer to Black people. Recently, as the demonstrations after George Floyd’s death spread across Europe, the continuing use of the term has been widely protested by Poles of African descent, and a growing number of Polish linguists argue against the word’s assumed neutrality. In this article, I draw upon the internalism and externalism in communication theory as I demonstrate perlocutionary effects of the word Murzyn from semi-interviews conducted with black Poles in 2014 and 2020, and utterance of Poles of African descent from media discourse between 2011 and 2020. With regard to the histories, experiences, and perspectives of Black communities in Poland, I argue that the derogatory meaning of the word depends largely on its effects on thoughts and feelings of the recipient, namely the pragmatic perlocution and the externalist communication theory, and less on the intention of the speaker and the internalist communication theory.


Politeja ◽  
1970 ◽  
Vol 14 (1(46)) ◽  
pp. 239-263
Author(s):  
Magdalena Kozub-Karkut

The Polish dispute over in vitro. The character of public debate The aim of the article is to present the polish discourse on in vitro fertilization (IVF) and law regulation related to this issue. This article investigates the discursive strategies presented in the political discourse as well as in the part of public discourse, where the positions of proponents and opponents of the IVF are articulated. The publication presents the arguments of the Catholic clergy as well as activists and journalists associated with the Church (mainly presented in the press and on the Internet). In addition, the article shows the views of those who are strongly engaged in the promotion of the in vitro fertilization in Poland (their arguments are mostly presented in the press, media as well as on the Internet websites that were established especially for this reason). The article analyses the question of the identity of those who are IVF children and who recently are also taking part in the public debate related to this issue. The method, that has been chosen for the investigation, is the sociological discourse analysis, which enables to understand the social world (and political as well) from within while focusing on sense and reference of communication acts. Consequently, it can be applied to studying N. Luhmann’s system theory that assumes the investigation of the social system from within its own functioning.


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