An Inherent Tension Within Populist Rhetoric

The Forum ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 14 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
David Bateman ◽  
Adam Seth Levine
Keyword(s):  
Political Life ◽  
Past Work ◽  
The People ◽  
Taking Action

AbstractPopulist rhetoric in America contains two essential features: first, a sharp critique of economic and political life and, second, a call for broader participation by the people that will set things right in response to an elite whose actions brought about contemporary problems. Past work generally assumes that the two goals inherent in this rhetoric – its educative critique and its exhortation to action – are compatible with each other. However, in this paper we argue that there is often an inherent tension between them. That is, the stronger the educative critique, the more it can actually reduce people’s likelihood of taking action. We provide several historical and contemporary examples of this pattern and then discuss a new line of research that examines it using experiments. We conclude by considering ways in which populist rhetoric can avoid the pitfall of voter disengagement.

El pueblo de México y la política capitalina, 1808 y 1812

1994 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 27-61 ◽  
Author(s):  
Virginia Guedea
Keyword(s):  
Political Participation ◽  
Early Years ◽  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
Significant Growth ◽  
Substantial Role ◽  
The People ◽  
New Nation ◽  
The City

Beginning in 1808 the people started to play a prominent role in the political life of Mexico. This article examines the significant growth of popular political participation in the City of Mexico during the period 1808-1812. In particular, it analyzes the substantial role that the people played in the elections of 1812, a role they would continue to play in the early years of the new nation.

scholarly journals Partisipasi Masyarakat dalam Pembentukan Peraturan Daerah Tentang Penggunaan Label Batik Pekalongan

2015 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Mutia Silvia Rose
Keyword(s):  
Public Participation ◽  
Community Participation ◽  
Brand Names ◽  
Political Life ◽  
Public Hearing ◽  
Local Regulation ◽  
The Public ◽  
The People ◽  
Written Form ◽  
The Government

Partisipasi masyarakat adalah perwujudan dari masyarakat di dalam negara demokrasi, dimana pemerintahan yang di dasarkan kepada rakyat merupakan tujuan utama kehidupan berpolitik, baik dalam kebijakan maupun dalam tujuan pemerintahan. Perda Label Batik Pekalongan merupakan peraturan daerah yang mengatur tentang suatu tanda yang menunjukkan identitas dan ciri batik buatan Pekalongan yang terdiri dari tiga jenis yaitu batik tulis, batik cap atau batik kombinasi tulis dan cap. Tujuan dibentuknya Perda tersebut adalah agar masyarakat dan konsumen Batik Pekalongan tidak dirugikan akibat dari salah dalam membedakan jenis batik. Hasil penelitian ini menunjukan bahwa partisipasi masyarakat dalam pembentukan Perda tentang penggunaan label batik Pekalongan masih bersifat elitis, karena yang mendominasi mengikuti public hearing hanya pengusaha kelas atas yaitu seseorang atau kelompok orang yang memproduksi seni batik dalam bentuk tulis, cap dan kombinasi dalam jumlah besar, sudah mempunyai nama merek yang terkenal, dan pemasarannya sudah sangat luas baik di dalam negeri maupun di luar negeri. Partisipasi masyarakat dalam pembentukan perda tentang label batik pekalongan yang masih bersifat elitis dapat berpengaruh karakteristik produk hukum yang di hasilkan yaitu lebih menguntungkan pengusaha batik kelas atas, karena dalam pembuatan label batik Pekalongan merugikan dalam segi ekonomis bagi  pengusaha kelas menengah dan bawah.<br /><br />Community participation is the embodiment of the people in a democracy, where the government is based on the people as the ultimate goal of political life, both in policy and administration purposes. Label the Perda Batik Pekalongan local regulation of Batik Pekalongan Label is a sign which indicates the identity and characteristics of batik from Pekalongan which consists of three types of batik, batik or batik and stamp combination. Purpose of the establishment of the regulation is that the public and consumers are not harmed Batik Pekalongan result of incorrect in distinguishing the types of batik. The result of this research indicates that participation in the formation of legislation on the use of Pekalongan batik label still elitist, because that dominate following the public hearing only top-class entrepreneurs is a person or group of people who produce batik art in written form, stamp and combinations in bulk, already has a well-known brand names, and marketing has been very widely both domestically and abroad. Public participation in the formation of regulations about labeling Pekalongan batik is still elitist may influence the characteristics of a legal product that produced batik entrepreneurs are more favorable upper classes, as in the manufacture of Pekalongan batik label in terms of economic harm to employers middle and lower classes.<br /><br />

scholarly journals STRATEGI DAKWAH SIASYAH PARTAI PERSATUAN PEMBANGUNAN DI JAWABARAT

2019 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 19-36
Author(s):  
Ridwan - Mubarok
Keyword(s):  
World Politics ◽  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Sphere ◽  
The Past ◽  
The People ◽  
Missionary Movement ◽  
Or Organization

For every Muslim, the role of civilization is identical to authentic mission as a leader as a leader in this earth, whose role is greater than leading a province or country. The participation of ulama, dai or da'wah movements in the political sphere is his right, but the missionary movement or organization must also be aware of and be aware of people or persons who want to manipulate da'wah as a vehicle for world politics. Da'wah movements or dai must be able to use various life instruments that exist today for the sake of da'wah. Ulama and the da'i who join in the organization movement or da'wah movement, must realize that they are part of the chain of struggle of the people. Now is the time for da'i or ulama to proclaim themselves from the past fetters that castrated the political life of the scholars.Bagi setiap muslim, peran peradaban identik dengan misi otentik sebagai pemimpin sebagai pemimpin dimuka bumi ini, yang perannya lebih besar dibandingkan memimpin sebuah provinsi atau negara. Keikutsertaan para ulama, dai atau gerakan dakwah dalam ranah politik merupakan haknya, akan tetapi gerakan atau organisasi dakwah juga harus menyadari serta mewaspadai terhadap orang atau oknum yang hendak memperalat dakwah sebagai kendaraan politik dunia. Gerakan dakwah ataupun para dai harus dapat menggunakan berbagai instrument kehidupan yang ada saat ini untuk kepentingan dakwah. Ulama maupun para da’i yang bergabung dalam gerakan organisasi atau gerakan dakwah, harus menyadari bahwasanya dirinya merupakan bagian dari mata rantai perjuangan umat. Kini sudah saatnya para da’i ataupun ulama dapat memproklamirkan diri dari belenggu masa lalu yang mengebiri kehidupan politik para ulama, PPP menjadi salah satu alternatif.

About Ghost Stories: The Vietnam War and “Rememoration”

PMLA ◽  
2008 ◽  
Vol 123 (5) ◽  
pp. 1700-1702
Author(s):  
Yen Le Espiritu
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Latin America ◽  
Vietnam War ◽  
Social Life ◽  
The United States ◽  
Sociological Imagination ◽  
Political Life ◽  
Ghost Stories ◽  
The People ◽  
The Vietnam War

In her book Ghostly matters: Haunting and the sociological imagination, avery gordon writes that “to study social life one must confront the ghostly aspects of it”—the experiential realities of social and political life that have been systematically hidden or erased. To confront the ghostly aspects of social life is to tell ghost stories: to pay attention to what modern history has rendered ghostly and to write into being the seething presence of the things that appear to be not there (Gordon 7–8). By most accounts, Vietnam was the site of one of the most brutal and destructive of the wars between Western imperial powers and the people of Asia, Africa, and Latin America. Yet public discussions and commemorations of the Vietnam War in the United States often skip over this devastating history, thereby ignoring the war's costs borne by the Vietnamese—the lifelong costs that turn the 1975 “fall of Saigon” and the exodus from Vietnam into “the endings that are not over” (Gordon 195). Without creating an opening for a Vietnamese perspective of the war, these public deliberations refuse to remember Vietnam as a historical site, Vietnamese people as genuine subjects, and the Vietnam War as having any kind of integrity of its own (Desser).

Sulla’s Sack of Athens

2020 ◽  
pp. 195-222
Author(s):  
Ian Worthington
Keyword(s):  
Political Life ◽  
Political Activity ◽  
Greek Culture ◽  
The People ◽  
The City

Chapter 10 begins with a consideration of the constitution and political activity in Athens, followed by a change in the Athenian attitude toward Rome and the activities of Mithridates VI of Pontus. Mithridates’ clashes with Rome led to him seek allies in Greece, especially Athens. His case polarized Athenian politics, but the people voted to support him, and hence declared war on Rome. The Romans sent Sulla to Greece, who besieged Athens. Eventually the city capitulated, and Sulla’s men then killed many citizens and destroyed many buildings. The city’s economy was destroyed; Delos defected; further restraints were made on the city’s political life; and even artistic output was affected. Yet Roman visitors to Athens began to increase in the years after Sulla, including to study there, and Greek culture continued to be attractive to Romans.

Multiculturalism

Sociology ◽  
2016 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrea Voyer
Keyword(s):  
The United States ◽  
Population Diversity ◽  
Political Life ◽  
The People ◽  
Multicultural Policy ◽  
Science Philosophy ◽  
Mere Presence ◽  
Broad Subject ◽  
The Impact ◽  
Identity Groups

In an increasingly global world with significant cross-border migration, societies inevitably contain people with different ethnic, cultural, and religious identities. In the context of the United States in particular, the presence of ethnic, cultural, and religious heterogeneity is more commonly referred to as diversity, while in most other contexts the mere presence of such heterogeneity is dubbed multiculturalism—the most general formulation of multiculturalism in sociology. However, multiculturalism is also an ideological position founded upon the claim that minority identities are important to the people who hold them, and that the identity groups they create will persist. Because identity and identity groups matter, they must be recognized and accommodated in social and political life. Generally speaking, the sociology of multiculturalism falls into six broad categories: the study of growing population diversity, commonly referred to as demographic multiculturalism; multicultural theory; multicultural policy; the impact of multiculturalism; the retreat from multiculturalism; and examination of multiculturalism as a cultural object. Due to its broad subject matter—recent and contemporary cultural diversity and the changes it has wrought in societies and nations—the study of multiculturalism is particularly interdisciplinary. The sociology of multiculturalism overlaps many other areas of research in sociology: migration and immigrant inclusion, national identity and citizenship, religious studies, and racial and ethnic studies, just to name a few. Multiculturalism is also a common subject in the fields of education, political science, philosophy, cultural studies, and history. This article focuses almost exclusively on work that is done in sociology and by sociologists. In addition, the sociology of multiculturalism is, most especially, an international field of research.

Martin Luther’s Perspective on Political Life

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ralph Keen
Keyword(s):  
Roman Empire ◽  
Catholic Church ◽  
Social Order ◽  
Roman Catholic ◽  
Holy Roman Empire ◽  
Political Life ◽  
Roman Catholic Church ◽  
The People ◽  
Two Kingdoms ◽  
Civil Government

Luther’s position on the duties of rulers to preserve social order and on the obligation of subjects to obey them for the sake of civil tranquility is scripturally grounded, principally in Romans 13:1–7, and presupposes an anthropology in which humans are so sinful as to need worldly government. The foundations of Luther’s thought about politics can be located in two sources: his doctrine of the Two Kingdoms and his understanding of the Pauline precept in Romans 13 to obey worldly authorities. Woven into each of these positions is a theological anthropology that holds that fallen humanity is too sinful to survive without divine aid. In the political realm, this aid takes the form of civil government; as a correlate, the authority of the church for Luther is limited to spiritual matters only and has no influence in the governance of the people. Luther’s defense of the social order and civil government set him in sharp opposition to the leaders of the Peasants’ War and led him to support the Protestant princes in their opposition to the Holy Roman Empire (founded on the spurious authority of the Roman Catholic Church in political affairs) after the 1530 Diet of Augsburg. In his defense of obedience to worldly powers and his grounds for justified resistance to impious rule, Luther left a seemingly ambiguous legacy that manifested itself after his death in a division over advocates of obedience to a conciliatory ruler (who wished to reintroduce elements of Roman worship) and purists who insisted that such obedience was a violation of Luther’s intention.

Discussant

1992 ◽  
Vol 20 (2) ◽  
pp. 48-51
Author(s):  
Natalia Sadomskaya
Keyword(s):  
The State ◽  
Political Life ◽  
Silver Age ◽  
Interesting Article ◽  
Cultural Life ◽  
The People ◽  
Prague Spring ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Common ◽  
Common Problems

I'll start with culture. Today we have been speaking principally about culture in the republics. I would like to address the common problems facing the post-Soviet republics. I agree with Edward Allworth that there is a crisis or trauma not only for the national intellectuals, but for intellectuals as a whole. This is especially a trauma for intellectuals who were supported by the state. They had very comfortable lives inside the institutes and the cultural unions. Now these privileges are disappearing. Previously intellectuals’ lives were characterized by a kind of self-adoration of their positions, of their purity, of their disengagement from political life, and this stance is now also in crisis. Recently, I read a very interesting article which said that today nobody wants to engage in the escapist literature that was once so popular. Nobody wants to hear about themes of history, of Egypt, the Silver Age, and so on because politics is now the hot topic in cultural life. A similar situation occurred in the Prague Spring, and we know that the results in this case were very fruitful. Havel, who was a very sophisticated journal writer, became a very contemporary, very active, and essential writer. And I consider this crisis, this struggle of intellectuals, a good sign. The people who will survive will be those whom other people read. Conversely, Chengiz Aitmatov, who was long a friend of the national struggle, who made a name for himself as a writer concerned with conditions in Kirgizia, and who was a defender of the national traditions, now prefers to be Ambassador to Luxembourg. While I was very surprised by this, this is also typical of the struggle to which I refer. Secondly, as Professor Allworth noted, it is true that Kazakh leaders

“Bustling Artisans”: Church Patronage at South Leith in the 1740s and 1750s

1994 ◽  
Vol 26 (1) ◽  
pp. 55-77 ◽  
Author(s):  
R. A. Houston
Keyword(s):  
Eighteenth Century ◽  
Seventeenth Century ◽  
Political Life ◽  
Ordinary People ◽  
Church Administration ◽  
Presbyterian Church ◽  
The People ◽  
The City ◽  
The Town ◽  
Scottish Politics

Political participation in eighteenth-century Scotland was the preserve of the few. A country of more than one and a half million people had less than 3,000 parliamentary electors in 1788. Scottish politics was orchestrated from Westminster by one or two powerful patrons and their northern clients—a fact summarized in book titles like The People Above and The Management of Scottish Society. The way Edinburgh danced to a London tune is well illustrated in the aftermath of the famous Porteous riots of 1736. After a government official was lynched the Westminster government leaned heavily on the city and its council. And the nation as a whole was kept under tight rein after the Jacobite rising of 1745-46.This does not mean that ordinary people could not participate in political life, broadly defined. Burgesses could influence their day-to-day lives through membership of their incorporations (guilds) and through serving as constables and in other town or “burgh” (borough) offices. Ecclesiastical posts in the presbyterian church administration—elders and deacons of kirk sessions—had also to be filled. Gordon Desbrisay estimates that approximately one in twelve eligible men would be required annually to serve on the town council and kirk session of Aberdeen in the second half of the seventeenth century. With a 60% turnover of personnel each year, distribution of office holding must have been extensive among the middling section of burgh society from which officials were drawn. For burgesses and non-burgesses alike, other avenues of expression were open. In periods when political consensus broke down or when sectional interests sought to prevail townspeople could resort to riot.

Whom the Great Goddess Protects: Narratives and Practices of Neo-Traditionalism in Modern Religious Conceptions of South-Siberian Turks

2020 ◽  
Vol 12 (3-2) ◽  
pp. 376-391
Author(s):  
Elena Erokhina ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Collective Memory ◽  
Political Life ◽  
Traditional Religion ◽  
Protective Capacity ◽  
Great Goddess ◽  
The People ◽  
South Siberia ◽  
Public Consciousness ◽  
Sacred Object ◽  
The Republic

The article considers the evolution of the traditional religion of South Siberian Turks influenced by modernisation. The author solves the problem of identification the prerequisites of gender asymmetry displacement in favour of feminisation of the religious beliefs of Khakass and Altai peoples. Methodological basis of the research is a conception of socio-cultural neo-traditionalism. Sacralisation of notable sites and related monuments of historical and cultural heritage is considered as one of the ways to overcome the collective memory trauma caused by modernisation. In order to substantiate her position, the author refers to the cases illustrating the desire to spot the source of sacred power of an ethnic community in archaeological artefacts. In collective memory of Khakass and Altai peoples, this power is embodied in the symbols associated with female reproductive and protective capacity. The author shows the specifics of narratives and practices of neo-traditionalism among the Turks of South Siberia on the example of nation-wide cults that have developed around their worship of Khurtuyakh-Tas and Ak-Kydyn. Particular attention is paid to the connection between the sacred and the secular in the formation of ethno-confessional narrative around the idea of female deity as a patron and guardian of life force of the people. The empirical basis of the research is the results of sociological expeditions carried out by the author from 2003 to 2018 in the Republic of Altai and Republic of Khakassia. The author analyses the cases of conflicting and conflict-free imposition of two hypostases of the same monument: a museum archaeological artefact and a sacred object of religious worship. The article substantiates the thesis that with the introduction of scientific rationality into public consciousness the religious discourse takes a new breath, becomes an element of social and political life of the national republics of South Siberia. The article concludes that patriarchal basis of traditional culture is eroded and its vanished elements are replaced by symbols associated with feminine strength.

Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document