scholarly journals TARSYIH KEPEMIMPINAN DALAM PERSPEKTIF TAFSIR DAN UNDANG-UNDANG PEMILU NOMOR 7 TAHUN 2017

2019 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 26-50
Author(s):  
Nadirsah Hawari ◽  
Rachma Octariani ◽  
Eva Rosalia ◽  
Sinta Arifka ◽  
Asep Candra

Abstract According to Islamic Shari'a, holding a public office is not a right for an individual, but an obligation for the State. Therefore, the government, both the regional head and all its officials, must select the most suitable and most suitable person for every government job. It should not be made of nepotism by looking at kinship, friendship, or faction from any relationship with the eligibility of someone to hold a position .The existing rulers should appoint officials from the best people (al-ashlah), the Prophet said which means "whoever holds a Muslim's business (meaning being a ruler) then he appoints someone to be an official even though he knows there are more people good for (benefit) of the Muslims, then really he has betrayed Allah and His Messenger "(Ibn Taimiyah). If the head of state or other officials do not find the right person for a certain position, in this situation they must choose the person who is more representative. Representative here means the person who is the most appropriate from the one for each government position. And also in this selection process, the head of state and other officials must know about the standards of eligibility al-quwwah (strength) and al-amanah (trust). Al-Quwwah is the ability and feasibility of a job assignment. Whereas trusteeship is a behavior that focuses on the management process regarding the position or function of a position that is in accordance with Islamic Shari'a with the intention of only devoting to Allah and not based on fear of humans and expecting their self-interest. nominating yourself is required to convey the vision and mission and the state program that will be implemented. In this case, the community or community is very necessary to obtain information on the candidate pairs who nominate themselves, and the campaign that can be used as a means of communicating politics and public education. The leaders, servants of the State, civil servants or the military, judges and so on, are essentially representations of the voices of the people they lead. The leaders are no more than public servants who must devote and dedicate their leadership to the benefit of the people. The leaders are only representatives of the fulfillment of the rights of the people, so that they are obliged to run the government properly.    Abstrak Menurut syariat islam, memegang suatu jabatan-jabatan umum bukanlah hak  bagi individu, melainkan kewajiban atasnya bagi Negara. Oleh sebab itu, pemerintah baik kepala daerah dan seluruh pejabatnya harus menyeleksi orang yang paling cocok dan paling layak bagi setiap pekerjaan pemerintahan.Tidak boleh beerbuat nepotisme dengan memandang kekerabatan, persahabatan, atau golongan dari manapun yang tidak ada hubunngannya dengan kelayakan seseorang untuk memegang suatu jabatan.Para penguasa yang telah ada hendaknya mengangkat para pejabat dari orang orang terbaik (al-ashlah), Nabi bersabda yang artinya“barang siapa memegang suatu urusan kaum muslimin (maksudnya menjadi penguasa) kemudian ia mengangkat seseorang menjadi pejabat padahal ia mengetahui ada orang yang lebih baik bagi (kemaslahatan) kaum muslimin, maka sungguh ia telah mengkhianati Allah dan Rasul-Nya” (Ibnu Taimiyah).Apabila kepala Negara atau para pejabat lainnya tidak menemukan orang yang tepat untuk suatu jabatan tertentu, dalam keadaan ini mereka harus memilih orang yang lebih representative. Representative disini memiliki arti yakni orang yang paling tepat dari yang ada untuk setiap jabatan pemerintahan. Dan juga dalam proses penyeleksian ini, kepala Negara dan pejabat lainnya harus mengetahui tentang standar kelayakan  al-quwwah (kekuatan) dan al-amanah (kepercayaan).Al-Quwwah ialah kemampuan dan kelayakan suatu tugas jabatan. Sedangkan amanah, merupakan perilaku yang dititik beratkan pada proses  pengelolaan perihal jabatan atau fungsi dari suatu jabatan yang sesuai dengan syariat islam dengan niat hanya bertaqwa kepada Allah dan bukan berdasar pada ketakutan kepada manusia dan mengharap pamrih dari mereka.Didalam pelaksanaan kampanye, pasangan calon kandidat yang mencalonkan diri diharuskan untuk menyampaikan visi dan misi serta program kenegaraan yang akan dijalankan. Dalam hal ini, umat atau khalayak masyarakat sangat perlu untuk memperoleh informasi atas pasangan calon kandidat yang mencalonkan diri tersebut, dan kampanyelah yang dapat dijadikan sebagai sarana berkomunikasi politik dan pendidikan masyarakat. Para pemimpin, abdi Negara, pegawai sipil atau militer, hakim dan lain sebagainya, pada hakikatnya merupakan representasi suara rakyat yang mereka pimpin. Para pemimpin tidaklah lebih dari pelayan masyarakat yang harus mengabdikan dan mendedikasikan kepemimpinannya untuk kemaslahatan rakyat. Para pemimpin hanyalah wakil akan pemenuh hak hak umat, sehingga mereka wajib menjalankan roda pemerintahan dengan baik.

2021 ◽  
pp. 310-312

This chapter examines Hanna Yablonka's Children by the Book, Biography of a Generation: The First Native Israelis Born 1948–1955 (2018). This book is unique in that it is neither politically committed to nationalist political slogans that are thrown daily into the arena of Israeli politics in the days of Netanyahu nor connected to the one-dimensional, sweeping condemnation of critics of the Israeli enterprise on the Right and Left. Instead, it suggests to set aside, even if only for a moment, what Yablonka calls “the current Israeli discourse, which furiously shatters everything that has happened in the state since it was established, brutally erasing all the achievements of Little Israel.” Yabonka is guided by Karl Mannheim's concept of a “historical generation”: a group in which there is a shared historical consciousness derived from historical experience. She shows how the state educational system fashioned the image of the new Israeli, endowing children with a local, native identity and imbuing them with the consciousness of belonging both to the people and to the land.


1973 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-28 ◽  
Author(s):  
L. J. Sharpe

In his celebrated study of American democracy written in 1888, Lord Bryce reserved his most condemnatory reflections for city government and in a muchquoted passage asserted: ‘There is no denying that the government of cities is the one conspicuous failure of the United States. The deficiencies of the National government tell but little for evil on the welfare of the people. The faults of the State governments are insignificant compared with the extravagance, corruption and mismanagement which mark the administration of most of the great cities'sangeetha.


2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Irfan Setia Permana

The government in this case is the legislative and executive institutions are managers in the order of a State. The condusiveness of a State depends on the government's role in treating every citizen fairly. One of the concerns of the State is of course Religion. There are six Religions recognized as official Religion in Indonesia. Therefore, the adherents of a religion in Indonesia should be treated proportionally and fairly by the Government so that it can perform its religious duties.In this discussion the method used is descriptive analysis approach. The steps taken in the discussion of this theme are: determine the focus of research, determine the type and source of data then process and analyze it.The result of the discussion of this topic shows that the Law of the State of Indonesia has guaranteed the right and freedom of every citizen to religion according to his own belief. Therefore, it is appropriate that the people who sit in the legislature and the executive to always maintain the religious freedom of every citizen without looking at the ideology he embraces.There is still in this country discriminatory practices and injustices against the adherents of certain religions, it is necessary steps to provide justice together, including; political struggle for equality and capacity building and understanding of multiculturalism over democratic values. The first attempt was an advocacy of a number of state policies that were still considered unfair. Some legislation products that are less in harmony with the spirit of the 1945 Constitution and the development of the modern world are now being reviewed. While the second attempt is intended to strengthen the consciousness of the majority to further develop the values of equality, freedom, humanistic, homeland love and tolerance to diversity. If these noble things are successfully developed and implemented by all people it will be useful not only for the consolidation of democracy in this country, but also to strengthen nation and State.


Author(s):  
Olaf Bachmann

Like many other African military forces, the Gabonese national army was a direct offshoot of a colonial army—the French one, in this case. Like many of their former brothers in arms on the African continent, the Gabonese military has had difficulty finding their bearings in the newly independent nation, with which they have experienced no bonding. A coup carried out by a handful of officers in 1964 dealt an early blow to the development of civil‒military concord. As of 1965, the political leadership, then firmly in the hands of the Bongo family, made sure it would keep the military under control. An important part of the security belt created by the Bongo regime was the propping up—and corresponding generous endowment—of a Presidential Guard and the paramilitary forces of the Gendarmerie. With the regime feeling more and more secure, among other reasons thanks to the agile management of an extensive patronage system fuelled by the country’s oil wealth, the army was allowed to grow and develop somewhat, although it never reached the capacity to defend the country’s sovereignty against any serious threat. Over the more than four decades of Omar Bongo’s rule (1967‒2009), Gabon’s defense remained outsourced to France through a range of initially secret and later publicly “legitimized” defense treaties. Occasional tensions, such as in the mid-1970s, did not significantly alter that pattern. With its security firmly guaranteed by the Garde Républicaine, the Gendarmerie, and the French, the regime worked to integrate the army into its control system. This was done though accelerating creation of a large number of senior officers’ posts, and these officers were gratified with honors, financial rewards, and at times official government posts. Meanwhile, the rank and file were kept at bay. Consequentially, a two-tier army that mirrored the country’s sociopolitical makeup evolved. Small pockets of professional soldiers did emerge in the country over the years, especially among up to colonel-rank commissioned officers, who benefited from excellent training abroad and were able to perfect their skills on peacekeeping operations. However, professionalism did not percolate through the institution. In 2020, 10 years into the reign of Omar Bongo’s son, Ali, the relationship of the military to the political power is unclear. On the one hand, the army may be an instrument of repression used by a ruling elite that is less and less benevolent in distributing benefits because it has lost the resources to do so. Such was the case in response to unrest after the 2016 elections. On the other hand, it cannot be excluded that part of the army’s lumpenmilitariat could side with the people in a revolt against the government. Because the legitimacy of the clientelist order is under duress, the coercive force provided by the carriers of arms can provide one line of defense, but the military may also turn against their increasingly anemic patron.


Author(s):  
Fawaz Hammad Mahmoud

The State of Iraq was formed in 1921 and described as a product of the British occupation state. This was in line with what was planned by the occupation government in all fields of intellectual, cultural and political. This resulted in the establishment of the "King of Iraq" of Arab origins, as well as contributed groups of tribal or economic influence to contribute to the establishment of the Iraqi state, where the Iraqi society was suffering from poverty and ignorance and disease under the Ottoman Empire, and others may see that the Iraqi state, which came under the umbrella Britain, after the First World War, may not differ in terms of dealing with the Iraqi society from the Ottoman administration, and may be a continuation of, and worse, and therefore there was concern, and fear of all steps of the government, even if it was positive, and increased military intervention through coups policy The state and its apparatus to calculate the dominant parties But it turned into a preoccupation with the minds of the people, the futility or futility of such coups, which are no more than conflicts between families, parties, and perhaps people, using the violence that the military led to express in the three coups which We gave it our attention in this study, which included, after this introduction, three investigations and a conclusion.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
S.H. Budiarsih

The state constitution of the 1945 Constitution mentioned that everyone has the right to live a prosperous life born and inward, residing, and getting a healthy and healthy living environment and entitled to health services. Under the Constitution and the Act, the Government makes efforts to ensure poor people's access to health service. However, in its implementation, various problems cause pros and cons, especially related to financing mechanisms and systems. Although, the birth of the BPJS Law is certainly inseparable from the patent law, namely Law number 40 of 2004 concerning the National Social Security System. For efforts to fulfill the rights of the community in the field of health that cannot be fully accommodated by the state, the government should evaluate the BPJS Law and Law No. 40 of 2004 on the National Social security system. The two laws currently implemented should be based on the 1945 Constitution and not harm the people


Yurispruden ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 93
Author(s):  
Diyan Isnaeni

ABSTRACT Problems faced by the government in the implementation of development include the issue of providing land for development itself, including the acquisition of land for toll road construction. because state land which is directly controlled by the state is limited or can be said to be almost nothing anymore. To acquire land for toll road development by the government by freeing people's land, both controlled by customary law, and other rights attached to it. In implementing Law Number 2 of 2012 as a juridical basis, the government carrying out land acquisition for toll road construction often creates problems both juridical and empirical.The legal concept of land acquisition for toll road development in the perspective of the right to control the state, must be returned to the nature of the public interest and the nature of the state's right to control for the greatest prosperity of the people by continuing to create development based on humanitarian principles, meaning that it must continue to prioritize and pay attention to private rights which constitute constitutional rights of the people. Keywords: Land Procurement, toll road construction   ABSTRAK Permasalahan yang dihadapi oleh pemerintah dalam pelaksanaan pembangunan diantaranya adalah masalah penyediaan tanah untuk pembangunan itu sendiri, termasuk pengadaan tanah untuk pembangunan jalan tol.  karena tanah negara yang dikuasai langsung oleh negara terbatas atau dapat dikatakan hampir tidak ada lagi. Untuk memperoleh tanah untuk pembangunan jalan tol oleh pemerintah dengan membebaskan tanah milik rakyat, baik yang dikuasai oleh hukum adat, maupun hak-hak lainnya yang melekat diatasnya. Dalam implementasinya Undang-Undang Nomor 2 Tahun 2012 sebagai landasan yuridis pemerintah melaksanakan pengadaan tanah untuk pembangunan jalan tol  sering menimbulkan permasalahan baik secara yuridis maupun empiris.Konsep hukum pengadaan tanah untuk pembangunan jalan tol dalam perspektif hak menguasai negara, harus dikembalikan pada hakekat kepentingan umum dan hakekat hak menguasai negara yaitu untuk sebesar-besar kemakmuran rakyat dengan tetap menciptakan pembangunan yang berlandaskan asas kemanusiaan artinya harus tetap  memprioritaskan dan memperhatikan hak privat yang merupakan hak konstitusional rakyat. Kata Kunci: Pengadaan Tanah, pembangunan jalan tol


HUMANITARIUM ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 39 (1) ◽  
pp. 100-115
Author(s):  
Svitlana Kravchuk ◽  
Vyacheslav Skhalanskyy

Presents the results of empirical study, which was attended by 246 people of different age (112 men and 134 women), which living in Donetsk, Mariupol and Kiev. We used the following methods: 2 author’s research questionnaires; Impact of Event Scale (M. Horowitz, N. Wilner). Empirically it is shown that in a situation of military conflict in Ukraine in comparison with the period before the military conflict: 1) displaced persons from the combat zone and the people currently living in Mariupol emphasize the negative impact of the situation of the military conflict in Ukraine on the well-being of their family members; 2) increased aggressiveness and proneness to conflict has been observed among the participants of the study currently living in Mariupol and among the displaced persons from the combat zone; 3) the situation of the military conflict in Ukraine has been stressful for the study participants and their families, this is especially pronounced persons from the combat zone and the people currently living in Mariupol; 4) a fairly strong and very strong degree of sleep disorders has been observed among the participants of the study currently living in Mariupol, among the displaced persons from the combat zone and among the participants residing now in Donetsk; 5) irritation and anger in connection with the event – the military conflict in Ukraine – in rather strong and very strong degree have been observed among the participants of the study currently living in Mariupol, among the displaced persons from the combat zone and among the participants residing now in Donetsk. Empirical evidence shows that the most powerful influence of the situation of the military conflict in Ukraine on relations with the immediate relatives has been observed among the displaced persons from the combat zone, in comparison with other groups of research participants. 39,84% of all study participants indicate disappointment in the state, because the state does not protect the rights of citizens. Regarding the organization of the relationship between the citizen and the state respondents think that such relationships should be based: 1) on the protection of the rights of citizens; 2) on trust, honesty; 3) on respect for the Constitution. 21,95% of all study respondents indicated a lack of confidence in the government. 10,98 % of all study respondents note that they have increased aggression to politics. 13,01 % of all study respondents indicate that there is more to discuss military and political issues. 11,38 % of all study respondents have avoided the subject of war and militarypolitical events. 17,07 % of all study respondents began to perceive military and political-legal events are more critical with less confidence.


Jurnal Akta ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 4 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Ilham Ilham ◽  
Djauhari Djauhari

The basic foundation for the government and the people of Indonesia to formulate the politics of law and the policy of land affairs has been contained in the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia Article 33 paragraph (3) which "earth, water and natural resources contained therein are controlled by the state and Used for the greatest prosperity of the people ". The problems in this research are: 1) Why is the request of Hak Milik coming from state land need a very long time? 2) What is the procedure or procedure of certifying Land Ownership from the State in Land Office of Semarang City? 3) What are the obstacles that arise in the process of granting Land title certificate that has been given by the state in the Land Office of Semarang City and how is the solution of the barriers?The approach method used in this research is sosiologis juridical approach method using qualitative descriptive data analysis method.The results of the research show as follows: 1) The application of the right to property derived from state land takes a very long time, In the petition contains information about the applicant, the description of his land which includes juridical data and physical data and other information in the form of information about the number of fields, And the status of the land owned by the applicant including the requested plot of land and any other information deemed necessary. 2) Procedures or procedures for granting land title certificate originating from the state in the Land Office of Semarang City, Rights Application, Applicant of land title certificate shall be divided into 4 categories: Right Receiver, Heirs, Land Owners, Owner of Land Rights Certificate Lost or damaged, Measurement and Registration of Rights, After the completion of the application file is filed and submitted to the Land Office, the subsequent process in the land office shall be the measurement, mapping and registration of its right, issuance of the Certificate, that the Land Rights Application is a process, The entry of the petition to the competent authority until the birth of the requested land. Before the land rights application enters the authorized institution, there is a process of preparation.Keywords: Right of Ownership, State Land, Land Office of Semarang City


2013 ◽  
Vol 6 (4) ◽  
pp. 505-523
Author(s):  
Abdelilah Belkeziz

Through an examination of the different types of relationships between religion and the state, this article argues that the two extremes of this relationship – namely, the case whereby the state exploits religion and the one where it tries to banish it – ultimately lead to the emergence of political Islam as a reaction. Political Islam can be seen as employing religion to gain political power, hence reinforcing the worldly aspects and self-interest of a certain group at the expense of intellectual, ethical and doctrinal considerations. Practically speaking, political Islam has pushed the idea of an Islamic state to suicidal theocratic ends. The main factor behind the ascent of Islamists to political power is the political vacuum resulting from the retreat of the left, added to absolute obstructionism in the political domain. In an attempt to redeem religion and the state in contemporary Arab society and end the struggle between Islamists and secularists, four suggestions are presented: (1) recognition of the right of any political movement to derive its basic ethos from religion, or religious heritage, on condition that this is considered a personal endeavour rather than a religious issue; (2) stressing the civil nature of all parties, whether secular or religious; (3) respecting the civil nature of the state; and (4) abiding by the democratic circulation of power. In sum, a revitalization of the modern state system is inevitable.


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