scholarly journals GERMAN DEVELOPMENT POLICY: MAIN OBJECTIVES, PRINCIPLES AND STRUCTURE

2021 ◽  
Vol 23 (5) ◽  
pp. 109-118
Author(s):  
Ekaterina Timoshenkova ◽  

The Federal Republic of Germany plays not only a leading role in the EU, but is also a global player with interests around the world. At the same time, the FRG has succeeded in establishing itself as an «honest broker» and mediator in international conflicts. Its image as a democratic state under the rule of law with a developed social system and a stable economic development model is attractive to many countries, including «developing» ones, which aspire to cooperate with Germany and are guided by its experience and recommendations. The German Development Policy is an important instrument of soft power, which is used not only for humanitarian purposes, but also to meet specific economic and political objectives. Thanks to its effective development policy, Germany manages to maintain contacts with representatives of various political elites, even if relations with the official government deteriorate. Non-governmental organizations play a major role in promoting German interests. Moreover, an outside observer might get the impression that it is these organizations that largely determine the development policy of the Federal Republic of Germany. In order to understand how this foreign policy mechanism functions, what its strengths are, and what role the state and civil society actors (NGOs, party-political foundations, charities, etc.) play in development policy, it is necessary to analyze the structure, goals and principles of German development policy. This article is devoted to this question.

1952 ◽  
Vol 6 (4) ◽  
pp. 647-649

The seventh session of the Contracting Parties to GATT met at Geneva, Switzerland from October 2 to November 10, 1952 under the chairmanship of Johan Melander (Norway). Participating were delegates of the 34 countries which were contracting parties and observers from other governments and intergovernmental organizations. The seventh session was concerned primarily with items arising out of the operation of GATT, including items falling under the complaints procedure, tariffs and tariff negotiations, miscellaneous items proposed by governments and non-governmental organizations and the administration of GATT. Apart from an agreement between the Federal Republic of Germany and the Republic of Austria concerning reciprocal concessions to the tariff agreement which had been concluded in 1951 within the framework of the Torquay Tariff Conference, no tariff negotiations were undertaken during the session. In connection with the reduction of tariff levels, the contracting parties reexamined the French plan for lowering tariffs by 30 percent on a worldwide basis in three yearly stages and the contracting parties instructed working parties to continue studies of the question.


Author(s):  
M. M. Lebedeva ◽  
L. R. Rustamova ◽  
M. V. Sharko

Despite of the fact that numerous researches on the concept of soft power were conducted by Russian as well as by foreign scholars, negative aspects of soft power, especially concerning actors that implement it, were almost disregarded. This article focuses on possible adverse consequences for such actors and illustrates them with the example of Germany that intensively forms its attractive image in the international arena. The authors affirm in particular that actors should form their comprehensive positive image rather than attractiveness of distinct spheres and features. They should also consider side-effects of soft power and harmonize NGO's activities in implementation of this policy. The latter is becoming more relevant against the background of broader application of soft power through public diplomacy with the help of non-governmental organizations. In addition, the article emphasizes the necessity of further theoretical and empirical researches on the issue.


Author(s):  
Nadezhda G. Geymbukh ◽  

Representatives of German state (constitutional) law define political extremism as "a set of political beliefs and aspirations... which are aimed at denying the democratic constitutional state and its fundamental values". Based on the definition, the criterion for recognising any "political belief or aspiration" as extremist is the notion of a democratic constitutional state. In line with this, the Federal Constitutional Court of the Federal Republic of Germany has given an expansive interpretation of a "free democratic state" that "constitutes a legal state order whose basis is the self-determination of the people according to the will of the majority, freedom and equality. It excludes all forms of despotism or arbitrariness. Among the basic principles of this order are at least: the protection of human rights as laid down in the Basic Law of Germany, the sovereignty of the people, the separation of powers, the responsibility of the government, the legitimacy of government, the independence of the judiciary and the principle of multi-partyism. According to article 21, paragraph 2 of the Basic Law of the Federal Republic of Germany (1949), political parties that "endeavour to harm or destroy the foundation of the free demo-cratic order or to endanger the existence of the Federal Republic of Germany" are declared unconstitutional by the Federal Constitutional Court of Germany. The possibility to ban political parties as provided for in the Basic Law of the Federal Republic of Germany guarantees the development of a democratic political system of the state. It is worth emphasising that the stability and democratism of the German political system and the stability of the constitutional order in the state depend not only on the prohibition provision in the Basic Law of the FRG, but above all on the ability of political parties to reach agreement on the basic principles of a "free democratic state system" and to implement these principles in the minds of the people. To realise these goals, Germany has the Federal Office for the Protection of the Basic Law of the Federal Republic of Germany of 1949, a public authority whose task is to control and supervise the legality of the activities of political parties. The forms of extremism in the Federal Republic of Germany are "left-wing extremism" and "right-wing extremism". In right-wing extremism, the older generation is gradually being freed from the aggressive youth, in an increased willingness to use force. Left-wing extremism has become less focused on global global themes - it has become more local and regional, more relatable and at the same time integrated. Because of the new nature of the development of extremism in a united Germany a left-right antagonism has emerged. At the same time, different tendencies of West and East Germany can be observed: in West Germany the struggle "left vs. right" prevails, in East Germany the struggle "right vs. left" prevails.


2021 ◽  
Vol 94 ◽  
pp. 03008
Author(s):  
Sergey Tishkov ◽  
Valentina Ogneva ◽  
Irina Tishkova

The article studies practical approaches of the Federal Republic of Germany to the implementation of post-conflict recovery, stabilization and development programs. Noted that Germany is actively pursuing unilateral and joint programs for global sustainable development or specialized programs in different parts of the world. This good performance became possible due to a new German methodological approach based on complex and flexible usage of diplomacy, development policy and security measures. The well build institutional system under coordination of the Federal Foreign Office and the Federal Ministry for Economic Cooperation and Development is able to fulfill difficult tasks successfully. This point is illustrated by practical experience of the German Agency for International Cooperation, the Reconstruction Loan Corporation and the German Civil Peace Service. The article concludes that Germany achieved significant results in post-conflict recovery, stabilization and development activities because of bringing together efforts of different actors.


Author(s):  
O.O. Turyanytsia

The Constitution of Ukraine enshrines the duty of the state not only to take care of the development of physical culture and sports (Article 49), but also to respect and protect the rights and freedoms of human and citizen (Part 2 of Article 3 of the Constitution of Ukraine). The protection of state powers is one of the most important indicators of a legal and democratic state [1].One of the most important steps on the way to solve this problem is the effective and efficient work of the legislator. Despite the huge amount of legal material, it is worth noting the existence of gaps and conflicts in the legislation, or even the absence of rules that would regulate public relations related to the peculiarities of the development of social activities in the field of sports.Instead, local regulations, rules or decisions of specialized non-governmental organizations leading an international sports movement are recognized as binding, in violation of existing national regulations. That is why a separate constitutional and legal study needs «autonomy of sport» as a fact that has developed and regulates professional sports in Ukraine. The purpose of the article is a review and constitutional and legal analysis of the mechanism of realization of the rights of professional athletes speaking of the autonomous nature of activities in the field of sports.A number of facts confirming the existence of «autonomy» in the field of professional sports are considered, namely, alcohol advertising, the relevant powers of the Ministry of Youth and Sports of Ukraine and the limit on legionnaires. The jurisdiction of sports justice is analyzed.The inconsistency of local regulations with the provisions of the Constitution of Ukraine and other national legislations has been proved. The expediency of creating a separate specialized arbitration center - a permanent arbitration court in the field of sports - is substantiated. Emphasis on the need to allocate sports law in a separate branch of law and the adoption of a special Law of Ukraine «On Professional Sports», which will form common principles and a comprehensive approach to the regulation of relations in this area is placed.


2018 ◽  
Vol 2 (02) ◽  
pp. 113-153
Author(s):  
Hendra Manurung

Somalia experienced 19 (nineteen) years for food crisis problem since 1992, and reached its peak in 2011. The crisis worsened by long standing conflict in the country combined with climate change, with the result that United Nations declared Somalia to be famine in 2011. The food crisis has driven world�s attention, especially non-governmental organizations concern on humanitarian issues, such as Oxfam International. In 1992, Oxfam International engaged to overcome food crisis and continue sustainable participation in addressing food crisis in 2011. Oxfam International cooperate with the local communities in Somalia by building water sanitation, providing clean water, delivering assistances such as foods, medicines, and also providing cash money. Oxfam International also supports and trains local people, especially farmers in agriculture, so they can produce food. By trained local farmers, it can help produce enough food to feed the population and reduce the possibility of famine in Somalia. The objective of this research is to explain the Oxfam International leading role in doing proactive involvement for humanitarian aids in Africa. The analysis is done based on the role of international non-governmental organization to handling the issue of food security in Somalia. To conclude, Oxfam International has shown meaningful efforts to give long- term impact on solving food insecurity problem in Somalia.


2018 ◽  
Vol 9 ◽  
pp. 139-157
Author(s):  
Irina Nastasă-Matei ◽  

Romania was the first country in the Eastern bloc to initiate diplo­matic relations with the Federal Republic of Germany. On January 31, 1967, the Embassy of the FRG was opened in Bucharest, Romania. In this context, which marked the intensification of the cultural exchange between the two countries, with special attention paid to the exchange of students and researchers, in this article I aim to tackle the situation of the Humboldt fellows from Romania during 1965-1989, as agents of knowledge transfer and actors of soft-power strategies between the two blocks.


2019 ◽  
pp. 140-158
Author(s):  
A. Kudryachenko

The article describes the main stages of modern Germany’s experience in building of the parliamentary democracy. The author defines the historical progress of the German state on the wayto the formation of democratic foundations that created the basis of modern society. Three German constitutions of 1871, 1919 and 1949 were considered, they formed the basis for the development of apostwar federal state. Particular attention is focused on the transformation of the three western occupation zones of Germany into the Federal Republic of Germany and the development of the BasicLaw, which was initially regarded as temporary constitution. The author also drew attention to external factors that significantly influenced the transformation of post-Nazi Germany and theformation of the Basic Law. The historical retrospective of the formation of the second German democratic state is presented in a broad international context.


2015 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 07-20
Author(s):  
Joseph S. Nye Jr.

With the recent possibility of China rising as the world’s most powerful economy and surpassing the US, this paper will explore what is possible to expect for the future. Under these circumstances it is developed how the relationship between the two countries can change the international scene that we know since the end of Cold War.  To comprehend this situation it is compared China and US in terms of: territory; population; army; cultural industries; Universities; non-governmental organizations; and soft power. Despite China’s astounding growth rate, it is argued that China has been facing problems such as an underdeveloped countryside and a rapid urbanization. Furthermore, for the U.S. maybe, in a near future, it will be a hard mission to hold back the power gain of emergent countries. Although, it is clear that China and US are, in terms of commerce, interdependent. It is concluded that this process, in the end, can manage to a positive change that would bring benefits for all countries and the balance of power is decisive for the success or ruin of the relationship between these eastern and western countries.Key-words: China – U.S. Relations; Economic power; Balance of power.  Resumo: Com a recente possiblidade da China se tornar a economia mais poderosa do mundo, ultrapassando os Estados Unidos, esta pesquisa irá explorar o que é possível esperar para o futuro. Dentro desse contexto é desenvolvido como as relações entre esses dois países podem causar mudanças no âmbito internacional, o qual se conhece desde o fim da Guerra Fria. Para compreender essa situação são comparados, China e Estados Unidos, em termos de: território; população; exército; indústria cultural; universidades; organizações não governamentais; e soft power. Apesar da surpreendente taxa de crescimento chinesa, argumenta-se que a China ainda enfrenta problemas como um interior subdesenvolvido e a rápida urbanização. Ademais, para os Estados Unidos talvez, em um futuro próximo, seja difícil a missão de conter o avanço de poder dos países emergentes. Embora, seja claro que a China e os EUA são, em termos de comércio, interdependentes. Conclui-se que este processo, no final, pode causar uma mudança positiva, podendo trazer benefícios para todos os países e o balanço de poder é essencial para o sucesso ou ruína da relação entre os países ocidental e asiático.Palavras-Chave: Relações China-Estados Unidos; Poder econômico; Balanço de Poder.  DOI: 10.20424/2237-7743/bjir.v4n1p7-20


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