scholarly journals PROSPECTS FOR THE COMMERCIAL OPERATION OF NORD STREAM 2

2021 ◽  
Vol 24 (6) ◽  
pp. 68-78
Author(s):  
Vladislav Belov ◽  

In early September 2021, the construction of the Northern stream – 2 рroject (NS-2) was completed. Its operator, Nord Stream 2 AG, has submitted documents for certification of the gas pipeline. The Federal Network Agency of Germany (BNetzA) is responsible for this process, which refused to grant the SP-2 operator an independent status. In November 2021, the German regulator agreed with him on the need to create a subsidiary in the Federal Republic of Germany. It must meet the requirements of German legislation and the Third Energy Package of the European Union. Contrary to the optimistic forecasts of experts and the expectations of Gazprom, the start of commercial operation of the project was postponed to 2022. BNetzA’s decision coincided with the adoption of the next US sanctions against the SP-2 participants and the creation of a new government coalition in Germany. Opponents of the project from the Union 90 / Greens party entered the new cabinet of ministers. The SP-2 is not mentioned in the coalition agreement that defines the future relations of Germany with the Russian Federation. The author, based on the analysis of original sources, examines the reasons for the delay in project certification; its role and place in the strategy of the new German cabinet of ministers; assesses the prospects for the start of commercial operation of the NS-2 in the context of continued opposition from Poland and Ukraine, as well as American sanctions mechanisms and confrontation in this matter from the US Congress and the President.

2021 ◽  
Vol 65 (9) ◽  
pp. 43-55
Author(s):  
V. Vasil'ev

The article is devoted to the analysis of the political legacy of German Chancellor Angela Merkel and in what way the new German government might possibly use it dealing with the transformation of the country and modernization of the European Union. The new political coalition with possible participation of the Green Party will preserve the continuity of the German foreign policy course for strengthening the European Union, deepening the transatlantic partnership, for active cooperation between Berlin and Paris, as well as for inclusion of Belarus, Moldova and Ukraine into the Euro-Atlantic area. The European sovereignty is the main focal point in Berlin. The Conference on the Future of Europe examines it, as well as other evolution issues. The updated legal framework of the EU, feasible strengthening of the European Parliament positions could help transform the European Union into a weighty actor in the polycentric world. Only powerful, relatively sovereign EU is able to secure the “European way of life”. Judgments about the disintegration of the European Union are far from reality. The EU margin of safety and resistance are quite impressive, primarily due to the economic potential of Germany. However, it is really difficult to predict how the European Union will get out of the crisis caused by Covid 19. American concessions to the Germans on the Nord Stream 2 project mean Biden’s serious attitude towards Merkel and Germany – the leader in the EU and one of the important NATO allies. The conditions for Russia’s return to the “European club”, for example, through the revival of M. Gorbachev’s new political thinking in Moscow, indicate rather an illusory desire. There is another, more pragmatic approach. The single European cultural and historical matrix of Greater Europe, communication between the leaders of the Russian Federation, Germany, France and the USA, the economic foundation of contacts, as well as mutual sympathies between Russians, Germans, Europeans give reason to hope for a turn for the better. The chances of a unification agenda remain. Perhaps, it will be used by future generations of politicians, experts of the Russian Federation and the Federal Republic of Germany without preconditions, on the basis of reasonable compromises. Acknowledgements. The article was prepared within the project “Post-Crisis World Order: Challenges and Technologies, Competition and Cooperation” supported by the grant from Ministry of Science and Higher Education of the Russian Federation program for research projects in priority areas of scientific and technological development (Agreement 075-15-2020-783).


2018 ◽  
pp. 11-27
Author(s):  
Peter Finn ◽  
Robert Ledger

The Mueller investigation into Russian interference in the US 2016 Presidential election has dogged the Trump administration, almost from the beginning of its time in office. The impact of the probe is widespread and affecting the United States in myriad ways both domestically and in foreign policy. We contend that, regarding US-European relations, the Mueller investigation is hastening two broad trends. Firstly, the continuing revelations are pushing the traditional US foreign policy establishment closer towards Europe. Secondly, and simultaneously, these revelations, as well as the continued actions of the President himself, are acting as a source of tension in US-European relations that are pushing European elites into awkward policy choices. The Mueller investigation has uncovered an ill-defined Russian strategy of sowing discord during the 2016 election cycle, matching other initiatives in Europe itself. In the rhetoric of prominent American politicians, it has succeeded. Donald Trump has been loath - unlike his verboseness towards the majority of the US's traditional allies - to criticise the Russian state. Meanwhile, the US Congress has tightened sanctions against Russia. While Trump has distanced himself from the European Union on issues such as the Paris Agreement on Climate Change and the Iranian Nuclear Deal, other parts of the US polity – from city to mayors to state governors and Congress itself – have sought to reinforce relationships with European countries. The forthcoming 2018 midterm Congressional elections are likely to result in an exacerbation of the process, particularly if there are further allegations of Russian cyber-attacks. The impact on European leaders is varied. Whereas the German government wants to push ahead with a new gas pipeline, which would increase reliance on Russian energy supplies, the EU has thus far held firm over sanctions and presented a united front denouncing the alleged Russian state-sponsored use of a nerve agent in Britain. This paper will aim to explore the impact of the Mueller investigation on these two trends and the effect on wider US-European relations.


2019 ◽  
pp. 137-148
Author(s):  
Natalia KOVALCHUK ◽  

Abstract Background: While international tensions increase and Russia's relations with the US and the European Union are worsening as a result of the annexation of Crimea and military intervention in Eastern Ukraine, the presence of Panslavic ideas in the Kremlin's propaganda arsenal becomes more and more visible. Russian politicians, scholars, and conservative public figures often voice the central thesis of Panslavism about the difference and the eternal confrontation between Russia and the West and explain the nature of actual conflicts in the light of this thesis. Purpose: To analyze the contemporary manifestations of Panslavism in the academic, educational and political circles of the Russian Federation by examining the current role of the intellectual heritage of Nikolai Danilevsky, a Russian scientist and conservative philosopher, author of the well-known book “Russia and Europe.” Results: The material presented in the article testifies that Panslavism continues to function in various cultural and political contexts, including undergoing a new rise in Russia in the XX-beginning of the XXI centuries. Slavic motives today are not only present in artistic or academic narratives – as the contemporary appeal to Danilevsky's ideas shows, but they are also periodically instrumentalized for political purposes. In the imagined world of Russian Panslavism, Russia looks stronger than the Western powers, capable of becoming a center of attraction for Slavic neighbors. Radical Russian nationalism borrowed the agenda of the Panslavists of the second half of the XIX century with a view to restoring lost influence in Central and Southeastern Europe. Key words: Panslavism, Russian imperialism, M. Danilevsky, “Russia and Europe”.


2000 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 111-127
Author(s):  
Gyoung-Gyu Choi

This paper outlines the process of China's accession into the World Trade Organization (WTO) with special focus given to the negotiations between the United States and China, and the European Union (EU) and China. Various economic and political issues behind the scene explain why the US refused to accept China into the WTO for the last 14 years. The economic and political changes in America coupled with the economic and political changes in China placed the two countries in a position where a U.S-China bilateral agreement could be made. The EU acted as a free rider in these negotiations such that it achieved most of its objectives from the conclusion of the Sino-US negotiation. Moreover, the EU could have topped China's concession to the US if it had taken advantage of the opportunity right before the PNTR vote carne to the US Congress.


2016 ◽  
pp. 113-125
Author(s):  
Olesya Zvezdova

This article deals with the official position of the United States regarding independence recognition of Abkhazia and South Ossetia by the Russian Federation in 2008. The basic documents of the State Department, Presidential Administration and the US Congress, which are published on the official page, are analyzed. The applications and interviews of the President, Secretary of State and 124 other state officials are considered. It is concluded that Abkhazia and South Ossetia are Georgian regions; the United States does not recognize its independence and calls on the Russian Federation to reverse its recognition of the “de facto states”. US will not recognize the results of any parliamentary and presidential elections in these areas and only Georgian authority is considered as legitimate. Agreements that were signed by the Russian Federation and the leaders of Abkhazia and South Ossetia in 2014 and 2015 respectively have no legal force and are only Russian provocative step towards strengthening its influence in the region. Resolutions of Congress accuse Russia of occupation of Abkhazia and South Ossetia and call to withdraw Russian troops from these territories. Since 2014 the situation in eastern Ukraine is compared with the situation in Abkhazia and South Ossetia in some press releases and speeches of the US official representatives.


2020 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Zakhar Gorbunov ◽  
Alexey Albov ◽  
Lyudmila Kupriyanova ◽  
Nataliya Sokolinskaya

The study was aimed to consider the existing institutions of fiduciary management of hereditary property and testamentary foundations in Russian and German legislation, to compare the institute of testamentary foundations with the fiduciary management of hereditary property in the legislation of the Russian Federation, to identify similarities and differences between Russian testamentary foundations and German (posthumous) testamentary foundations. Such research methods as comparative legal analysis, synthesis, analysis, formal-logical and other methods of scientific research have been employed within the study conducted. The article presents the results of a comparative legal analysis of Russian and German legislations and points out potential challenges in Russian law enforcement practice. Comparative legal analysis and comparison of the current Russian legislation with the experience of legislative regulation of (posthumous) testamentary foundations in the Federal Republic of Germany allowed to reveal a tendency of adopting the positive experience of German law.


2020 ◽  
Vol 28 (1) ◽  
pp. 66-84
Author(s):  
Sanford U. Mba

Recently, the Nigerian Senate passed the Bankruptcy and Insolvency (Repeal and Re-enactment) Bill. This is no doubt a welcome development following the continued demand by insolvency practitioners, academics and other stakeholders for such legislation. The call has not only been for the enactment of just about any legislation, but (consistent with the economic challenges faced by businesses in the country), one that is favourably disposed to the successful restructuring of financially distressed businesses, allowing them to weather the storm of (impending) insolvency, emerge from it and continue to operate within the economy. This article seeks to situate this draft legislative instrument within the present wave of preventive restructuring ably espoused in the European Union Recommendation on New Approaches to Business Rescue and to Give Entrepreneurs a Second Chance (2014), which itself draws largely from Chapter 11 of the US Bankruptcy Code. The article draws a parallel between the economic crisis that gave rise to the preventive restructuring approach of the Recommendation and the present economic situation in Nigeria; it then examines the chances of such restructuring under the Nigerian draft bankruptcy and insolvency legislation. It argues in the final analysis that the draft legislation does not provide for a prophylactic recourse regime for financially distressed businesses. Consequently, a case is made for such an approach.


Author(s):  
Halyna Shchyhelska

2018 marks the 100th anniversary of the proclamation of Ukrainian independence. OnJanuary 22, 1918, the Ukrainian People’s Republic proclaimed its independence by adopting the IV Universal of the Ukrainian Central Rada, although this significant event was «wiped out» from the public consciousness on the territory of Ukraine during the years of the Soviet totalitarian regime. At the same time, January 22 was a crucial event for the Ukrainian diaspora in the USA. This article examines how American Ukrainians interacted with the USA Government institutions regarding the celebration and recognition of the Ukrainian Independence day on January 22. The attention is focused on the activities of ethnic Ukrainians in the United States, directed at the organization of the special celebration of the Ukrainian Independence anniversaries in the US Congress and cities. Drawing from the diaspora press and Congressional Records, this article argues that many members of Congress participated in the observed celebration and expressed kind feelings to the Ukrainian people, recognised their fight for freedom, during the House of Representatives and Senate sessions. Several Congressmen submitted the resolutions in the US Congress urging the President of United States to designate January 22 as «Ukrainian lndependence Day». January 22 was proclaimed Ukrainian Day by the governors of fifteen States and mayors of many cities. Keywords: January 22, Ukrainian independence day, Ukrainian diaspora, USA, interaction, Congress


Author(s):  
Kh. Kh. Khamidulina ◽  
E. V. Tarasova ◽  
A. S. Proskurina ◽  
A. R. Egiazaryan ◽  
I. V. Zamkova ◽  
...  

Currently, perfluorooctanoic acid (PFOA) has no hygienic standards in the air of the working area and objects of the human environment in the Russian Federation. By the decision of the Stockholm Convention SC-9/12, PFOA, its salts and derivatives are included in Part I of Annex A of the Stockholm Convention on Persistent Organic Pollutants in 2019 (with exceptions for possible use). The Rotterdam Convention on the Prior Informed Consent Procedure for Certain Hazardous Chemicals and Pesticides in International Trade included PFOA, its salts and derivatives in the list of potential candidates for inclusion in Annex III of the Rotterdam Convention at the next meeting COP10 in 2021. The use of this chemical on the territory of the Russian Federation entails water and air pollution. Industrial emissions and waste water from fluoropolymer production, thermal use of materials and products containing polytetrafluoroethylene, biological and atmospheric degradation of fluorotelomer alcohols, waste water from treatment facilities are the sources of the release of PFOA into the environment. Analysis of international databases has showed that PFOA is standardized in the air of the working area in Germany, Japan, and Switzerland. In the countries of the European Union, as well as the USA and Canada, the issue of PFOA standardizing in drinking water is being now actively under discuss. Taking into account the high toxicity and hazard of the substance and the serious concern of the civil society of the Russian Federation, the Federal Service for Supervision of Consumer Rights Protection and Human Wellbeing requested the Russian Register of Potentially Hazardous Chemical and Biological Substances to develop MACs for perfluorooctanoic acid in the air of the working area and water as soon as possible. The MACs for PFOA have been proposed using risk analysis: 0,005 mg/m3, aerosol, hazard class 1 – in the air of the working area and 0,0002 mg/L, the limiting hazard indicator – sanitary-toxicological, hazard class 1 – in the water.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document