“Our Enemies Are Gathered Together”

2019 ◽  
Vol 36 (3) ◽  
pp. 295-330
Author(s):  
Mary Ellen Ryan
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
Sixteenth Century ◽  
The Political ◽  
Civic Life ◽  
Political Upheaval ◽  
Twentieth Century Music ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Individual ◽  
The City

The return of the Florentine republic (1527–30) ushered in a tense period of political upheaval. As the city faced an imperial siege and bouts of famine and plague, the government promoted a vibrant spiritual program to combat dangers to its independence. The motet flourished within this environment, but the connections between this repertory and civic life in early sixteenth-century Florence have yet to be fully explored. Since the mid-twentieth century, music historians have examined Florentine manuscript sources of the motet (the Newberry Partbooks and Vallicelliana Partbooks) and have articulated various arguments for the political significance of these collections and the individual pieces they contain. Viewed as a whole, however, the repertory does not typically express partisan support for the Medici or the republic. One underlying thread tying many of these motets together is their function within ritual celebrations, particularly in uniting the community in prayer for collective relief. Philippe Verdelot’s wartime Congregati sunt inimici nostri exemplifies the multiple performance uses of motets in Florentine ritual contexts. Its compositional design and content reveal how Florentines turned to the motet to demonstrate communal solidarity and to seek divine aid in times of crisis.

Comedy in Callipolis: Animal Imagery in the Republic

1978 ◽  
Vol 72 (3) ◽  
pp. 888-901 ◽  
Author(s):  
Arlene W. Saxonhouse
Keyword(s):  
Social Life ◽  
Political Community ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Society ◽  
Animal Imagery ◽  
Animal Images ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Individual ◽  
The City ◽  
The Ideal

The political society founded by Socrates in the Republic has been seen by many as Plato's conception of the ideal political community, his Callipolis. However, a study of the language used by Socrates as he builds his perfect city reveals an unusually heavy concentration of animal images. This language seems to undercut the ostensible perfection of Socrates' city and illustrates rather its connections to the comic world of Aristophanes, whose comedy the Birds offers the model according to which the Republic is built. It is suggested that the city of the Republic is comic and ugly, indicating the limitations of politics rather than its potentialities. The Republic argues for the need to reorient the concept of justice away from social life and towards the individual. Ultimately, the Republic suggests that the notion of social justice is laughable and fit for the comic Stage.

scholarly journals Platón, las pasiones y la crítica del populismo = Plato, passions and criticism of the populism

ΠΗΓΗ/FONS ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 55
Author(s):  
Álvaro Pablo Vallejo Campos
Keyword(s):  
The Political ◽  
Athenian Democracy ◽  
Theory Of Justice ◽  
Ideal State ◽  
Points Of View ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Individual ◽  
First Time ◽  
The City ◽  
The Ideal

Resumen: La tesis principal de este artículo es que la trascendencia política de las pasiones determina en Platón sus planteamientos éticos y políticos. La primera vez que se ocupa de ellas más sistemáticamente, como ocurre en el Gorgias, aparecen directamente involucradas en la crítica del imperialismo y de los procedimientos retóricos propios de la democracia ateniense, y su tratamiento debe ser uno de los ingredientes esenciales de la política concebida como un arte. Pero en la República el estado ideal surge de una reflexión sobre la necesidad de realizar una purgación de las pasiones en la ciudad lujosa y afiebrada que se trata de reformar. La importancia de la cuestión se deriva del hecho de que una teoría de la justicia en el individuo y en el estado consiste, en definitiva, en formular un ideal normativo de las relaciones que deben establecerse entre la razón y las pasiones del alma. A consecuencia de ello, las formas degeneradas del estado ideal pueden interpretarse como una secuencia en sentido creciente de la ilegítima irrupción de las pasiones en la sociedad enferma que se opone a aquel.Palabras clave: Platón, pasiones, política, retórica, estado ideal, justicia, populismo.Abstract: The main thesis of this paper is that the political transcendence of passions determines Plato’s ethical and political points of view. The first time that he deals systematically with passions, as occurs in the Gorgias, they are directly implicated in the critic of imperialism and the rhetorical procedures of Athenian democracy. They are also an essential part of politics conceived as an art. In the Republic , the ideal city emerges as the necessity of practicing a purge of passions in the luxuriant or feverish city that has to be purged. The importance of this issue derives from the fact that the theory of justice in the individual and the city consists of a normative ideal on the relations that have to be established between passions and reason. As a consequence, the sequence of the degenerated forms of the ideal state can be interpreted as an increasing model of the illegitimate irruption of passions in the ill society opposed to it.Keywords: Plato, passions, politics, rhetoric, ideal state, justice, populism.

scholarly journals Preachers, Sermons, and State Authorities in late Baroque Dubrovnik

Slovene ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 648-677
Author(s):  
Relja Seferović
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Local Church ◽  
Public Life ◽  
Religious Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
Religious Orders ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Government ◽  
City State ◽  
The City

In order to keep its traditional neutrality in foreign policy and to preserve inner stability after the disastrous earthquake of 1667, the state authorities of the Republic of Dubrovnik controlled the entire public life in this city-state, which was clamped between Ottoman and Venetian possessions on the coast of the south Adriatic. They managed to impose their will on archbishops of the local Church in various aspects of religious life, including the election of public preachers in the city cathedral. Treated as simple officials in service of the government, these clerics (mostly members of various religious orders who came from Italy) played their role according to their employers’ desires, with only formal concern for their flock. However, sermons by their local counterparts, who preached mostly in smaller city churches, left a deeper mark in this highly conservative Catholic milieu. An analysis of their experiences and preserved texts of their sermons offers a new perception of the political, social, linguistic, and even theological culture of late Baroque Dubrovnik, a city whose importance remained incomparable within the Slavonic world in the Mediterranean.

The General Strike in Zanzibar, 1948

1976 ◽  
Vol 17 (3) ◽  
pp. 417-434 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anthony Clayton
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
Work Force ◽  
Dar Es Salaam ◽  
The Political ◽  
East African ◽  
Unsuccessful Attempt ◽  
The Government ◽  
The City ◽  
Permanent Residents ◽  
General Strike

This article examines a three-week long strike in Zanzibar City in August and September 1948. The strike began among labourers from the mainland at work in Zanzibar port, but spread to all African work-people in the City after an unsuccessful attempt to break the strike by the government. This attempt had led to a major demonstration and confrontation at the entrance to the port, violence being only narrowly averted.While at one level the strike was a Zanzibar sequel to the strikes of the previous year in Mombasa and Dar es Salaam, in Zanzibar there was additional significance in the fact that the City and Island's work-force were in very large proportion men from the East African mainland. Zanzibar's dependence on mainland labour had begun in the early decades of the twentieth century. In those years mainland labour had been particularly well-paid, by the standards of the time. By the late 1940s however, mainland labour in Zanzibar was as poor as, perhaps poorer than, its mainland counterparts. Besides, the political structure of the Protectorate aggravated sentiments of alienation since mainlanders were not regarded as permanent residents for whom the government should have any particular concern: nor were mainlanders represented in the legislature.Even after the strike was over the colonial authorities saw only a need for labour reforms rather than political re-structuring to accommodate mainlanders. The strike however had briefly united all Africans, indigenous and mainlander. When, a decade later, this unity of Africans, mainlander and indigenous, town and plantation labourer and peasant, was re-formed, revolution followed. As a portent, therefore, Zanzibar's strike is of particular significance.

Land Reform in Zimbabwe: a Balance of Political Expediency and Economic Inevitability?

2020 ◽  
pp. 14-29
Author(s):  
Lyubov Prokopenko
Keyword(s):  
Land Reform ◽  
Union Leader ◽  
Political Crisis ◽  
The Political ◽  
African Region ◽  
Political Aspect ◽  
National Union ◽  
Reform Program ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Government

The article considers the political aspect of land reform in the Republic of Zimbabwe. The problem of land reform has been one of the crucial ones in the history of this African country, which celebrated 40 years of independence on April 18, 2020. In recent decades, it has been constantly in the spotlight of political and electoral processes. The land issue was one of the key points of the political program from the very beginning of Robert Mugabe’s reign in 1980. The political aspect of land reform began to manifest itself clearly with the growth of the opposition movement in the late 1990s. In 2000–2002 the country implemented the Fast Track Land Reform Program (FTLRP), the essence of which was the compulsory acquisition of land from white owners without compensation. The expropriation of white farmers’ lands in the 2000s led to a serious reconfiguration of land ownership, which helped to maintain in power the ruling party, the African National Union of Zimbabwe – Patriotic Front (ZANU – PF). The government was carrying out its land reform in the context of a sharp confrontation with the opposition, especially with the Party for the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC), led by trade union leader Morgan Tsvangirai. The land issue was on the agenda of all the election campaigns (including the elections in July 2018); this fact denotes its politicization, hence the timeliness of this article. The economic and political crisis in Zimbabwe in the 2000–2010s was the most noticeable phenomenon in the South African region. The analysis of foreign and domestic sources allows us to conclude that the accelerated land reform served as one of its main triggers. The practical steps of the new Zimbabwean president, Mr. Emmerson Mnangagwa, indicate that he is aware of the importance of resolving land reform-related issues for further economic recovery. At the beginning of March 2020, the government adopted new regulations defining the conditions for compensation to farmers. On April 18, 2020, speaking on the occasion of the 40th anniversary of the independence of Zimbabwe, Mr. E. Mnangagwa stated that the land reform program remains the cornerstone of the country’s independence and sovereignty.

Kampungs and Conflict in Colonial Semarang

1988 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
pp. 266-291 ◽  
Author(s):  
James L. Cobban
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Twentieth Century ◽  
The United States ◽  
City Council ◽  
Economic Life ◽  
North Coast ◽  
The North ◽  
Central Java ◽  
The Government ◽  
The City

By the beginning of the twentieth century, Semarang was a major port city and administrative centre on Java. Attainment of this position was due partly to the expansion of its hinterland during the nineteenth century. This expansion was closely related to developments in the means of transportation and the consequent ability of plantation owners to bring the products of their plantations to the port for shipment to foreign markets. By the end of the century virtually the whole economic life of central Java focused upon Semarang. The city also exercised administrative functions in the Dutch colonial administration and generally had been responsible for Dutch interests in the middle and eastern parts of the island. The importance of Semarang as an administrative centre increased after 1906. In that year the government incorporated the city as an urban municipality (stadsgemeente). In 1914 it had consular representation from the United States, Belgium, Denmark, France, Great Britain, Italy, Norway, Germany, and Thailand. Subsequently, in 1926 it became the capital of the Province of Central Java under the terms of an administrative reform fostered by the colonial government at Batavia. Status as an urban municipality meant that local officials sitting on a city council would govern the domestic affairs of the city. The members of the city council at first were appointed from Batavia, subsequently some of them were elected by residents of the city. By the beginning of the twentieth century Semarang had enhanced its position as a major port on the north coast of the island of Java. It was one of the foremost cities of the Dutch East Indies, along with Batavia and Surabaya, a leading port and a centre of administration and trade. This article outlines the growth of the port of Semarang during the nineteenth century and discusses some of the conflict related to this growth over living conditions in parts of the city during the twentieth century, a conflict which smouldered for several decades among the government, members of the city council, and the non-European residents of the city, one which remained unresolved at the end of the colonial era.

scholarly journals Guilds, Social Mobility and Status in Sixteenth-Century Ghent

1998 ◽  
Vol 43 (1) ◽  
pp. 31-78 ◽  
Author(s):  
Johan Dambruyne
Keyword(s):  
Sixteenth Century ◽  
Social Mobility ◽  
Upward Mobility ◽  
Social Promotion ◽  
Social Position ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Situation ◽  
Democratic Character ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
The City

This article investigates the relationship between social mobility and status in guilds and the political situation in sixteenth-century Ghent. First, it argues that Ghent guilds showed neither a static picture of upward mobility nor a rectilinear and one-way evolution. It demonstrates that the opportunities for social promotion within the guild system were, to a great extent, determined by the successive political regimes of the city. Second, the article proves that the guild boards in the sixteenth century had neither a typically oligarchic nor a typically democratic character. Third, the investigation of the houses in which master craftsmen lived shows that guild masters should not be depicted as a monolithic social bloc, but that significant differences in status and wealth existed. The article concludes that there was no linear positive connection between the duration of a master craftsman's career and his wealth and social position.

scholarly journals Mapping Cases of Violence Against Women and Children in Pekanbaru City

2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (10) ◽  
pp. 9-11
Author(s):  
Susi Erlinda ◽  
Sayyid Husein ◽  
Ambiyar . ◽  
Triyani Arita Fitri ◽  
Mardainis .
Keyword(s):  
Violence Against Women ◽  
Child Protection ◽  
Municipal Government ◽  
Prevention Programs ◽  
Design Management ◽  
Government Programs ◽  
Women And Children ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Government ◽  
The City

Protection of women and children is a mandate contained in the laws of the Republic of Indonesia to the government to protect women and children from acts of violence or discrimination. The mandate is carried out by the government through several efforts to handle and prevent it through government programs that are made every year. However, until now the municipal government of Pekanbaru through the women's empowerment and child protection office does not yet have data on mapping the protection of women and children disaggregated by sex, age, type of case, and location of cases so that many child protection programs are not properly targeted according to the level of violence and types of violence in areas exposed to cases of violence. The application of the mapping application is a solution to this problem because, with computerized data on the protection of women and children, the government will make it easier to design management and prevention programs. This application displays complete indicators including data on violence mapped in the geographic form of the city of Pekanbaru which is divided into the scope of the sub-district and given a color as an indicator of high or low cases of violence in the area, violence data is displayed disaggregated according to gender, age, types of cases and locations of incidents and in addition, this application applies a case-control design to provide recommendations to the government regarding handling and prevention programs in areas exposed to cases of violence against women and children. This application will make it easier for the government to design programs to protect women and children and to reduce the number of violence against women and children which always increases every year.

scholarly journals Zemskii Sobor: Historiographies and Mythologies of a Russian “Parliament”

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ivan Sablin ◽  
Kuzma Kukushkin
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Twentieth Century ◽  
Seventeenth Century ◽  
Early Modern ◽  
Russian Civil War ◽  
History Writing ◽  
Constituent Assembly ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Individual ◽  
Modern Russian

Focusing on the term zemskii sobor, this study explored the historiographies of the early modern Russian assemblies, which the term denoted, as well as the autocratic and democratic mythologies connected to it. Historians have discussed whether the individual assemblies in the sixteenth and seventeenth century could be seen as a consistent institution, what constituencies were represented there, what role they played in the relations of the Tsar with his subjects, and if they were similar to the early modern assemblies elsewhere. The growing historiographic consensus does not see the early modern Russian assemblies as an institution. In the nineteenth–early twentieth century, history writing and myth-making integrated the zemskii sobor into the argumentations of both the opponents and the proponents of parliamentarism in Russia. The autocratic mythology, perpetuated by the Slavophiles in the second half of the nineteenth century, proved more coherent yet did not achieve the recognition from the Tsars. The democratic mythology was more heterogeneous and, despite occasionally fading to the background of the debates, lasted for some hundred years between the 1820s and the 1920s. Initially, the autocratic approach to the zemskii sobor was idealistic, but it became more practical at the summit of its popularity during the Revolution of 1905–1907, when the zemskii sobor was discussed by the government as a way to avoid bigger concessions. Regionalist approaches to Russia’s past and future became formative for the democratic mythology of the zemskii sobor, which persisted as part of the romantic nationalist imagery well into the Russian Civil War of 1918–1922. The zemskii sobor came to represent a Russian constituent assembly, destined to mend the post-imperial crisis. The two mythologies converged in the Priamur Zemskii Sobor, which assembled in Vladivostok in 1922 and became the first assembly to include the term into its official name.

scholarly journals The Development of Waqf Management Throught Waqf Act in Indonesia (Note on Republic of Indonesia Act Number 41 of 2004 regarding Waqf)

2018 ◽  
Vol 22 (1) ◽  
pp. 1 ◽  
Author(s):  
Aden Rosadi ◽  
Deden Effendi ◽  
Busro Busro
Keyword(s):  
Qualitative Data ◽  
Religious Life ◽  
Social Meaning ◽  
Religious Institutions ◽  
Muslim Community ◽  
Community Needs ◽  
Library Research ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Individual

Abstract: The Development of Waqf Management Throught Waqf Act in Indonesia (Note on Republic of Indonesia Act Number 41 of 2004 regarding Waqf). Waqf is an Islamic endowment of property to be held in trust and used for a charitable or religious purpose. The development of waqf law in Indonesia, as one of religious institutions, is the realization of Muslim community needs to fulfill their religious life. The object of waqf that formerly was focused on immovable objects, with the presence of the Act has been broader to movable property, especially money waqf. This paper describes the urgency of civilization and the dynamics of waqf both from the side of law and its management in the context of people prosperity. By using library research that use qualitative data, this paper found the existence of waqf, normatively lies not only in the individual obligations, but also in social meaning in the context of collective obligations involving mawqûf bih (the property), wâqif (the person creating a waqf), nazir (the supervisor/manager of waqf), mauqûf ‘alayh (waqf users), and the government through legislation. Basically, the Republic of Indonesia Act Number 41 of 2004 regarding Waqf is based on the philosophical, sociohistorical, and juridical foundation.

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