La moneda menuda en la circulacióón monetaria de la ciudad de Mééxico. Siglo XVIII

2006 ◽  
Vol 22 (2) ◽  
pp. 219-249 ◽  
Author(s):  
Enriqueta Quiroz

The object of this article is to illustrate that in the eighteenth century there existed-at least in Mexico City-a much more active monetary circulation than was previously thought. To this end, minting levels during that period have been analyzed and a basic difference has been established between coined pieces and their worth. The volume of small currency has received special attention, because this is the currency that circulated in the daily market and was used to fix the prices of foodstuffs as well as to pay daily wages in the capital. In this article, the quantities of small currency have been estimated to be significantly large, which, together with the high volumes of basic goods sold in the city as well as the prices and consumption levels among its inhabitants, has cast doubt over the validity of a shortage of circulating currency during this time period. El artíículo intenta demostrar que existióó en el siglo XVIII-al menos en la ciudad de Mééxico -una circulacióón monetaria mucho máás activa de la que hasta ahora se ha aceptado. Con ese propóósito se revisan los niveles de acuññacióón y se establece una diferencia báásica entre valor y piezas acuññadas. De manera particular se identifica el volumen de moneda menuda acuññada, claro estáá, porque esta moneda era la que circulaba en los mercados cotidianos, y bajo la cual se fijaban los precios de los comestibles y se pagaban los jornales diarios en la capital. En el artíículo se estiman importantes volúúmenes de piezas de moneda menuda acuññada que junto a los altos volúúmenes de productos báásicos vendidos en dicha ciudad, los niveles de precios y de consumo entre los capitalinos, se pondríía en duda la escasez de circulante.

2013 ◽  
Vol 93 (1) ◽  
pp. 33-65 ◽  
Author(s):  
Paul Ramírez ◽  
William B. Taylor

Abstract Colonial inhabitants of Mexico City were accustomed to coping with natural disasters, including disease epidemics, droughts, floods, and earthquakes, which menaced rich and poor alike and stirred fervent devotion to miraculous images and their shrines. This article revisits the late colonial history of the shrine of Our Lady of the Angels, an image preserved miraculously on an adobe wall in the Indian quarter of Santiago Tlatelolco. The assumption has been that archiepiscopal authorities aiming to deflect public worship toward a more austere, interior spirituality suppressed activities there after 1745 because they saw the devotion as excessively Indian and Baroque. The shrine has served as a barometer of eighteenth-century Bourbon reforms even though its story has not been fully told. This article explores the politics of patronage in the years after the shrine’s closure and in the decades prior to the arrival on the scene of a new Spanish patron in 1776, revealing that Indian caretakers kept the faith well beyond the official intervention, with some help from well-placed Spanish devotees and officials. The efforts of the new patron, a Spanish tailor from the city center, to renovate the building and image and secure the necessary permissions and privileges helped transform the site into one of the most famous in the capital. Attention to earlier patterns of patronage and to the social response to a series of tremors that coincided with his promotional efforts helps to explain why a devotion so carefully managed for enlightened audiences was nevertheless cut from old cloth.


Author(s):  
G Cruz-Pacheco ◽  
J.F Bustamante-Castañeda ◽  
J.G Caputo ◽  
ME Jiménez-Corona ◽  
S Ponce-de-León

SummaryOn January 23, 2020, China imposed a quarantine on the city of Wuhan to contain the SARS-CoV-2 outbreak. Regardless of this measure the new infection has spread to several countries around the world. Here, we developed a method to study the dissemination of this infection by the airline routes and we give estimations of the time of arrival of the outbreaks to the different cities.In this work we show an analysis of the dispersion of this infection to other cities by airlines based on the classic model the Kermack and McKendrick complemented with diffusion on a graph composed of nodes which represent the cities and edges which represent the airline routes. We do several numerical simulations to estimate the date of arrival to different cities starting the infection at Wuhan, China and to show the robustness of the estimation respect to changes in the epidemiological parameters and to changes on the graph. we use Mexico City as an example. In this case, our estimate of the arrival time is between March 20 and March 30, 2020. This analysis is limited to the analysis of dispersion by airlines, so this estimate should be taken as an overestimate since the infection can arrive by other means.This model estimates the arrival of the infectious outbreak to Mexico between March 20 and March 30. This estimation gives a time period to implement and strengthen preventive measures aimed at the general population, as well as to strengthen hospital infrastructure and training of human resources in health.


2004 ◽  
Vol 60 (04) ◽  
pp. 493-518
Author(s):  
Brian R. Larkin

On February 16, 1696, Doña Inés Velarde, the widow of Capitán Don Miguel de Vera, a former notary of the Mexico City Cabildo, redacted her will before Juan de Condarco y Caceres, a notary public in New Spain’s capital. Despite the typhus (matlazáhuatl) epidemic that ravaged the city in that year, Doña Inés was in good health. She had carefully prepared for the pious act of will writing, issuing over thirty meticulously designed religious directives in her last will and testament. Two directives in particular reveal much about colonial Mexican religious sensibilities. In the thirty-seventh clause of her twenty-page will, she founded a perpetual act of charity with the capital of 3,000 pesos.


2004 ◽  
Vol 60 (4) ◽  
pp. 493-518 ◽  
Author(s):  
Brian R. Larkin

On February 16, 1696, Doña Inés Velarde, the widow of Capitán Don Miguel de Vera, a former notary of the Mexico City Cabildo, redacted her will before Juan de Condarco y Caceres, a notary public in New Spain’s capital. Despite the typhus (matlazáhuatl) epidemic that ravaged the city in that year, Doña Inés was in good health. She had carefully prepared for the pious act of will writing, issuing over thirty meticulously designed religious directives in her last will and testament. Two directives in particular reveal much about colonial Mexican religious sensibilities. In the thirty-seventh clause of her twenty-page will, she founded a perpetual act of charity with the capital of 3,000 pesos.


1984 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
pp. 277-307 ◽  
Author(s):  
Celia Wu

The city of Santiago de Querétaro lies about 120 miles north of Mexico City on the edge of the plains of the Bajío. Founded in 1562 by Fernando de Tapia, an Otomí chieftain, it soon attracted Spanish settlements, so that by 1609 it became avillaand in 1656 a city.1The time when it became famous for its prosperity was the eighteenth century. It was in this period that Querétaro replaced Puebla as the chief centre of the woollen textile industry since it lay closer to the great sheep estancias of Coahuila. The north was also the chief market for its cloth. But according to the Capuchin Friar, Francisco de Ajofrín, the maize and wheat trade of the haciendas of the surrounding district was more important than the textile industry and the workshops specializing in leather goods. As we shall see, the families which owned these estates often lived in Querétaro, so that the city was te residence of a wealthy local élite composed of merchants,obrajerosand landowners.


2015 ◽  
Vol 72 (2) ◽  
pp. 249-278 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrew Konove

Upon leaving office in 1716, the Duke of Linares, the viceroy of New Spain, warned his successor of a particularly vexing issue: the question of what to do about Mexico City's Baratillo marketplace. “There is in the Plaza of Mexico,” he wrote, “a traffic prohibited by law or decree that is so problematic that ending it has been a great challenge for me, being that what is stolen [in the city] is sold there, only disguised.” Hipólito Villarroel, writing his treatise about the decadence of Mexico City more than a half-century later, was no more sparing in his description of the market. He referred to it as the “cave or depository for the thieving committed by artisans, maids, and servants, and, in sum, all the plebeians—Indians, mulattos, and the other castas—that are permitted to inhabit this city.” The market was even the subject of a book-length satirical manuscript, written in 1754. Pedro Anselmo Chreslos Jache's unpublished “Ordenanzas del Baratillo” is a legal code for a world turned upside down, where the mixed-race castas reigned and Spaniards were ostracized, and where “four thousand vagabonds” congregated every day to be instructed by “doctors in the faculty of trickery.”


2020 ◽  
Vol 36 ◽  
pp. 26-43
Author(s):  
Marcin Pliszka

The article analyses descriptions, memories, and notes on Dresden found in eighteenth-century accounts of Polish travellers. The overarching research objective is to capture the specificity of the way of presenting the city. The ways that Dresden is described are determined by genological diversity of texts, different ways of narration, the use of rhetorical repertoire, and the time of their creation. There are two dominant ways of presenting the city: the first one foregrounds the architectural and historical values, the second one revolves around social life and various kinds of games (redoubts, performances).


Author(s):  
Martynas Jakulis

In 1695, Jan Teofil Plater and his wife Aleksandra founded a hospital for six impoverished nobles in Vilnius. Situated near the newly built church of the Ascension and the convent of the Congregation of Mission in the Subocz suburb beyond the city walls, this hospital was the first and, until the end of the eighteenth century, the only charitable institution providing care for individuals of particular social status. The article, based on the hospital’s registry book and other sources, examines the quantitative, as well as qualitative characteristics of the institution’s clientele, such as its fluctuations in size, its social composition, and the causes of its inmates’ impoverishment. The research revealed that, despite the demand for care, the overseers managed to maintain a stable number of inmates, rarely admitting more than one or two persons every year, and thus ensuring a steady operation of the hospital (see table 1). However, in contrast with other charitable institutions in Vilnius, the clientele of the Congregation of Mission hospital changed frequently because of expulsions (39.6 percent of all cases) and inmates leaving the hospital on their own initiative (20.1 percent) already in the first year of their stay. The mortality of inmates (27.8 percent) affected the size and turnover of the clientele to a much lesser extent than observed in other hospitals. Although there are no reliable data on the inmates’ age and health, such statistics show that they probably were younger and healthier than the clients of other charitable institutions in Vilnius. Moreover, the Congregation of Mission hospital’s inmates differed from the clients of other institutions in respect of social composition. Impoverished petty nobles, originating mainly from the districts of Lida and Oszmiana, constituted the majority (56.25 percent) of the hospital’s inmates whose social status is noted in the registry book (62.5 percent). The nobles became clients of the Congregation of Mission hospital either because of old age, disability, as well as other accidental causes, or because of increased social vulnerability outside mutual aid networks, comprised of family members, kin or neighbours. The article argues that the foundation of a hospital designated to provide care primarily for impoverished nobles shows that the poverty of nobles was recognized by contemporaries as a social problem that should be tackled. Keywords: poverty, charity, hospital, the Congregation of Mission, Vilnius, nobles, eighteenth century.


Author(s):  
Domininkas Burba

Bridges and ferries, as objects of dispute and crime locations among the eighteenth century nobles of Vilnius district, is the main topic of research in this article. Case materials and auxiliary documents from the records of Vilnius district castle and land courts reveal how often bridges are mentioned in the court processes in both violent and non-violent crimes. Research explores what types of violent crimes took place on bridges or ferries most often. It also works on questions of geographic localisation and statistics, discussing general situation of bridges in Vilnius and its neighbouring areas in the eighteenth century. Bridges are regularly mentioned in the books of the eighteenth century Vilnius castle and land courts, albeit most references are not related to conflicts and bridges are mentioned as orientation marks or in reference to location of a real estate object. Both non-violent legal disputes, involving bridges as objects, and violent crimes on the bridges were not in multitude, however non-violent crimes were in smaller numbers. There were seven dispute cases about lands, properties and plots of land where bridges and ferries are mentioned. Non-violent conflicts mostly took place in rural areas of the district, four of them, and three such disputes happened in Vilnius (one on the Green Bridge and two on the bridges over the River Vilnia). Most commonly recorded violent crime on a bridge was beating and, since this was the most common type of crime perpetrated by nobles in the eighteenth century Vilnius district, this trend is logical. A bridge is once mentioned in the record about a raid. In terms of location, more crimes on the bridges took place in the rural space, although this particular space wasn’t dominant, since six crimes were reported in the province and five in the city – two in Vilnius on the Green (Stone) Bridge, two on the bridges over the River Vilnia and one on a ferry near Šnipiškės. Trends in crime locations match general crime tendencies in Vilnius district, where more crimes took place in the rural space than in the urban one. One may guess, that the rare mention of bridges partially testifies to the fact that in the eighteenth century Vilnius district level of communication was not high and there were not too many bridges. On the other hand, when assessing trends in violent crimes in Vilnius district it was revealed that bridge based crimes comprised only one percent of all crimes. Having in mind that bridge is a relatively small object, compared to several different or other urban and rural spaces, this number isn’t that small. Keywords: Vilnius district, castle court, land court, crimes, nobles, peasants, bridges, ferries, passings.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document