scholarly journals CIVIL SOCIETY STRATEGIES AND PROJECTS IN FLOOD HIT AREA: A CASE OF PAKISTAN FLOOD AFFECTED AREAS

2018 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 49-58
Author(s):  
Jamshid Ali Turi ◽  
Hassan Basheer ◽  
Shahryar Sorooshian ◽  
Sadia Shaikh

In the past few decades, the frequency of floods has increased in Pakistan. Climate change and poor policy-making and management system across the country is the main reason for the increasing floods in Pakistan. However, the role and potential of Civil Society has not been acknowledged by different stakeholders in disaster management. The aim of the study to explore the role of civil societies contributes to the flood-affected area also how their efforts can be more meaningful for the flood-affected communities. A quantitative study based on a questionnaire conducted in village Ghangwal. The study reveals that Civil Societies responses are quicker than the government response to the flood-affected areas. The major role of Civil Society is in rescue and recovery phases. However, in mitigation and rehabilitation phases the role is limited. The government can reduce the risks of floods if the Local Government system and coordinated efforts at all level are ensured.  In the conclusion, the study identified four major areas where Civil Societies support the affected communities are civil society’s response is quicker and more immediate; rescue the affected people and nature of help extended by the civil societies; basic needs of the affected people so the need-based assessment was carried out to compensate and rehabilitate the prospective flood victims. Lastly, the study discovered the methods of distribution of relief-goods among the victims.

Author(s):  
Jessica Cooper ◽  
Neofytos Dimitriou ◽  
Ognjen Arandjelovíc

AbstractIn an era when public faith in politicians is dwindling, yet trust in scientists remains relatively high, governments are increasingly emphasizing the role of science based policy-making in response to challenges such as climate change and global pandemics. In this paper we question the quality of some scientific advice given to governments and the robustness and transparency of the entire framework which envelopes such advice, all of which raise serious ethical concerns. In particular we focus on the so-called Imperial Model which heavily influenced the government of the United Kingdom in devising its response to the COVID-19 crisis. We focus on and highlight several fundamental methodological flaws of the model, raise concerns as to the robustness of the system which permitted these to remain unchallenged, and discuss the relevant ethical consequences.


2017 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 155-166
Author(s):  
M.Daimul Abror ◽  
Heri Sunarno

AbstractThe voter turnout 3 last period (1999-2009) has decreased significantly. At 1999 92.6%choseen and 7.3% abstains, at 2004 84.1% choseen and 15.9% abstains, at 2009 70.9%choosen and 29.1% abstains. (www.merdeka.com). These conditions encourage KPURI toform Volunteer Democracy (VD) as an agent that helps the socialization of Election 2014.This study aims to comprehensively assess the role of VD as "Election Marketer" in PrincipalAgency Theory (PAT) perspective. This study uses qualitative research with case studyapproach. The results are (1) Relation between KPUD Pasuruan with VD is KPUDPasuruan (principal) provide delegates to VD (agent) (2). Contract model of VD in twoaspects, the type of contract that the contract model is short Term Contracts, and the type ofboth relationship are relation between government and civil society; (3) In carrying out itsrole as election marketer, VD fulfill four criteria in PAT perspective. The weakness of themodel contract of VD are Short Term Contracts must be solved by entering into a Long TermContracts to be interwoven communication simultaneously between the government in thiscase between KPUD Pasuruan with VD as the embodiment of Civil Societies participation isrepresented by five segments groups of voters.keywords: Volunteers Democracy, Election Marketer, ElectionAbstrakTingkat partisipasi pemilih 3 periode terakhir (1999–2009) mengalami penurunan sangatsignifikan, yakni Pemilu 1999 memilih 92,6% dan Golput 7,3%, Pemilu 2004 memilih 84,1%dan golput 15,9% Pemilu 2009 memilih 70,9% dan golput 29,1%. (www.merdeka.com).Kondisi tersebut mendorong KPURI untuk membentuk Relawan Demokrasi (RELASI)sebagai agen yang membantu sosialisasi Pemilu 2014. Penelitian ini bertujuan mengkajisecara komprehensif tentang peran RELASI sebagai “Election Marketer” dalam perpektifPrincipal Agency Theory (PAT). Penelitian ini menggunakan metode penelitian kualitatifdengan pendekatan studi kasus. Penelitian ini menghasilkan (1) Hubungan RELASI denganKPUD Kabupaten Pasuruan adalah KPUD Kabupaten Pasuruan (principal) memberikandelegasi kepada RELASI (agent) (2). Model kontrak RELASI teridentifikasi pada dua aspek,yakni dari jenis kontrak bahwa model kontrak RELASI bersifat short Term Contracts, danjenis hubungan KPUD Kabupaten Pasuruan dengan RELASI mendeskripsikan hubunganantara pemerintah dengan civil society; (3) Dalam menjalankan perannya sebagai electionmarketer, RELASI memenuhi empat persyaratan dalam perspektif PAT. Kelemahan modelkontrak RELASI yang masih bersifat Short Term Contracts harus segera dipecahkansolusinya dengan mengadakan kontrak yang bersifat Long Term Contracts agar dapatterjalin komunikasi yang simultan antara pihak pemerintah dalam hal ini KPUD KabupatenPasuruan dengan RELASI sebagai perwujudan dari Civil Societies participation yangterwakili oleh lima segmen kelompok pemilih.keywords: Relawan Demokrasi, Election Marketer, Pemilihan Umum


2020 ◽  
Vol 28 (3) ◽  
pp. 413-427
Author(s):  
Leonie Holthaus ◽  
Nils Stockmann

In this essay, we consider the role of academics as change-makers. There is a long line of reflection about academics’ sociopolitical role(s) in international relations (IR). Yet, our attempt differs from available considerations in two regards. First, we emphasize that academics are not a homogenous group. While some keep their distance from policymakers, others frequently provide policy advice. Hence, positions and possibilities of influence differ. Second, our argument is not oriented towards the past but the future. That is, we develop our reflections on academics as change-makers by outlining the vision of a ‘FutureLab’, an innovative, future forum that brings together different world-makers who are united in their attempt to improve ‘the world'. Our vision accounts for current, perhaps alarming trends in academia, such as debates about the (in)ability to confront post-truth politics. Still, it is a (critically) optimistic one and can be read as an invitation for experimentation. Finally, we sympathize with voices demanding the democratization of academia and find that further cross-disciplinary dialogues within academia and dialogues between different academics, civil society activists and policymakers may help in finding creditable solutions to problems such as climate change and populism.


2021 ◽  
Vol 22 (2) ◽  
pp. 191
Author(s):  
Najamuddin Khairur Rijal

This study examines the role of global civil society at the local level in climate change mitigation. Climate change issue is one of the global issues that is responded at the local level, as the impact of the problem concerns the universal livelihood of the world’s population. This study focuses on Earth Hour’s activities in the Malang region as a part of a global civil society. This research uses global civil society and its role in environmental governance as the analytical framework. The data are collected through documentation studies and interviews. The results show that Earth Hour Malang’s activities have three important roles in climate change mitigation efforts, namely information-based role, providing policy inputs to the government, and performing operational functions.


Author(s):  
Ramnik Kaur

E-governance is a paradigm shift over the traditional approaches in Public Administration which means rendering of government services and information to the public by using electronic means. In the past decades, service quality and responsiveness of the government towards the citizens were least important but with the approach of E-Government the government activities are now well dealt. This paper withdraws experiences from various studies from different countries and projects facing similar challenges which need to be consigned for the successful implementation of e-governance projects. Developing countries like India face poverty and illiteracy as a major obstacle in any form of development which makes it difficult for its government to provide e-services to its people conveniently and fast. It also suggests few suggestions to cope up with the challenges faced while implementing e-projects in India.


Author(s):  
Asha Bajpai

The chapter commences with the change in the perspective and approach relating to children from welfare to rights approach. It then deals with the legal definition of child in India under various laws. It gives a brief overview of the present legal framework in India. It states briefly the various policies and plans, and programmes of the Government of India related to children. International law on the rights of the child is enumerated and a summary of the important judgments by Indian courts are also included. The chapter ends with pointing out the role of civil society organizations in dealing with the rights of the child and a mention of challenges ahead.


2013 ◽  
Vol 67 (4) ◽  
pp. 863-888 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stephen G. Brooks

AbstractPolitical scientists and economists have long been interested in the role of special interests in the policymaking process. In the past few years, a series of important new books have argued forcefully that the lobbying activities of economic actors have an important influence on the prospects for war and peace. All of these analyses claim that whether economic actors enhance or decrease the likelihood of conflict ultimately depends on the domestic political balance between economic actors who have a strong vested interest in pushing for peace versus those that do not. I advance two contrary arguments. At least among the advanced states, I posit there are no longer any economic actors who will be favorable toward war and who will lobby the government with this preference. All of the identified mechanisms that previously contributed to such lobbying in these states have been swept away with the end of colonialism and the rise of economic globalization. In particular, I show that the current structure of the global economy now makes it feasible for foreign direct investment to serve as an effective substitute for conquest in a way that was not possible in previous eras. My second argument concerns those economic actors in advanced states with a preference for peace. I posit that it has become unnecessary for them to directly lobby the government to avoid war on economic grounds because economic globalization—the accumulation of decisions by economic actors throughout the globe—now has sufficiently clear economic incentives for leaders.


2021 ◽  

The current political debates about climate change or the coronavirus pandemic reveal the fundamental controversial nature of expertise in politics and society. The contributions in this volume analyse various facets, actors and dynamics of the current conflicts about knowledge and expertise. In addition to examining the contradictions of expertise in politics, the book discusses the political consequences of its controversial nature, the forms and extent of policy advice, expert conflicts in civil society and culture, and the global dimension of expertise. This special issue also contains a forum including reflections on the role of expertise during the coronavirus pandemic. The volume includes perspectives from sociology, political theory, political science and law.


2021 ◽  
pp. 89-112
Author(s):  
Gary H. Jefferson ◽  
Renai Jiang

This chapter assesses China’s science and technology (S&T) progress through the lens of the patenting literature in the context of China. In particular, after presenting an overview of China’s patent production over the past twenty-five years, it investigates the following questions: What accounts for China’s patent surge? What are the implications of the surge for patent quality? Does the nature of the patenting reveal China’s S&T direction and comparative advantage? How has the international sector affected China’s patent production? What has been the role of the government—the central, provincial, and local governments—in shaping patent production? And finally, how heterogeneous is China’s regional patent production; are patenting capabilities diffusing across China?


1997 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 22-43 ◽  
Author(s):  
Seoghun Woo

This paper argues that the future direction for the development of Korean industrial relations will evolve through direct interaction between employers and trade unions (either conflictual or cooperative). The government is likely to play a less interventionist role in industrial relations, compared with the past, and to adopt the role of mediator between unions and employers. Characteristics of Korean industrial relations during the pre- 1987 period is firstly examined; four major factors are used to explain the industrial relations practice during this time. Changes after 1987 are also considered. Special consideration is given to interaction between the environment and the three major industrial relations participants, and the interactions between them. Both macro and micro aspects of industrial relations are examined. The special Presidential Address (26/04/1996), known as New Conception of Industrial Relations, is also analysed in terms of its implications for future industrial relations issues in Korea.


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