scholarly journals Rusijos ir Gruzijos 2008 metų karinio konflikto pateikimas Lietuvos ir Italijos periodinėje spaudoje informacinio karo aspektu

2009 ◽  
Vol 51 ◽  
pp. 83-101
Author(s):  
Mantas Martišius ◽  
Vilija Navickaitė
Keyword(s):  
Mass Media ◽  
Qualitative Methods ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
Partial Information ◽  
Neutral Position ◽  
Information Warfare ◽  
The European Union ◽  
The Government ◽  
Concept Of Information ◽  
Quantitative And Qualitative Methods

Straipsnyje informacinio karo aspektu nagrinėjamas 2008 metų rugpjūtį kilusio penkių dienų konflikto tarp Rusijos ir Gruzijos atspindėjimas Lietuvos ir Italijos internetinėje žiniasklaidoje. Nagrinėjamas informacinio karo vaidmuo 2008 metų Rusijos ir Gruzijos kare. Aptariamas karinio konflikto pateikimas pasirinktose žiniasklaidos priemonėse tiriamuoju laikotarpiu. Nagrinėjama, kaip buvo pristatoma didėjanti įtampą Šiaurės Kaukazo regione. Gvildenama, kokią poziciją kariaujančių šalių atžvilgiuužėmė Lietuvos ir Italijos tyrimui pasirinktos žiniasklaidos priemonės. Nagrinėjama informaciniame kare pasireiškianti tendencija, kai žiniasklaida ima palaikyti savo valdžios oficialiąją poziciją kariaujančių šalių atžvilgiu.Presenting the 2008 Russia–Georgia war in Lithuanian and Italian press in information warfare aspectMantas Martišius, Vilija Navickaitė SummaryThe five-day war between Russia and Georgia in the summer of 2008 during the Olympic games in Beijing immediately concentrated the world’s mass media attention and raised public discussions on the reasons and consequences of this confrontation. The paper claims to verify the hypothesis that the Italian mass media were favourable to Russia’s position considering the official Italian–Russian close relationships and the personal friendship of recent Italian prime minister and media magnate Silvio Berlusconi with Russia’s expresident and recent prime minister Vladimir Putin. On the other hand, Lithuanian mass media should have been a favourable to Georgia’s position considering the common historical experience and the official Lithuania’s governmental support of this country advocated in the European Union and NATO membership procedure.By holding the empirical analysis of the mass media publications, the objectives of the research were the following: 1) to explore the concept of information warfare; 2) to determine the contribution of the media to the conflict coverage; 3) to analyze the Italian and Lithuanian mass media publications by selected criteria: a) to analyze the publications of Lithuanian mass media by quantitative and qualitative methods; b) to analyze the publications of Italian mass media by quantitative and qualitative methods; 4) to analyze the reasons for such attitude.According to the empirical research, the evidence of information warfare is clear. Lithuanian mass media into the information warfare. It surrendered to the rule engaged during the war to support the government. This shows that Lithuanian mass media deviated from the truth and objectivity. During the war, Lithuanian society received biased partial information. News from the five-day war between Russia and Georgia were unreliable and incomplete. Ther were no neutral and balanced answers to the questions why the war broke out, who started the fire, how it developed. This happened not just because Russia and Georgia waged the information war, but also as a responsibility of Lithuanian mass media to follow the politics of support to Georgia.The Italian mass media took a neutral position, the type of analyzed mass media which belongs to central left political parties recently placing in opposition and criticizing the S. Berlusconi decision to be favourable to Russia’ s position. Therefore, the conflict between Russia and Georgia was “their” and the Italian mass media just informed society about the events. Thus, the hypothesis was corroborated only in part.

scholarly journals Covid-19 and labour law in the United Kingdom

2020 ◽  
Vol 11 (3) ◽  
pp. 332-346
Author(s):  
David Mangan*
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
United Kingdom ◽  
Union Member ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Labour Law ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Uk ◽  
European Union Member States

2020 had been marked as a significant year for the UK with its departure from the European Union. The coronavirus pandemic quickly became the most important issue facing the Government under a third Prime Minister since the 2016 referendum. From the start, problems have dogged this Government in meeting the monumental challenges posed by Covid-19. The UK approached the work implications of this pandemic in some distinct ways, as compared to European Union Member States. This piece is longer than other country reports in this volume as a result of critically engaging with these differences.

E-Government in the UK

2011 ◽  
pp. 548-553 ◽  
Author(s):  
J. Hudson
Keyword(s):  
Information Society ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
Policy Implications ◽  
Green Paper ◽  
Minor Role ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Parliamentary Committee ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Uk ◽  
A Minor

Like many of its western counterparts, the United Kingdom (UK) government has a long history of using IT in the administration and delivery of public services. Indeed, as early as 1959 mainframe computers were introduced in order to automate some routine aspects of public administration (Margetts & Willcocks, 1992, p. 329). However, it was not until the late 1970s and early 1980s—as the UK rose to the forefront of the emerging microcomputer industry—that IT featured in policy discourse in anything other than an extremely minor fashion. Even then—despite the appointment of Kenneth Baker as the government’s first Information Technology Minister in 1981—the issue did not feature prominently and there was nothing approaching the equivalence of the neighbouring French government’s review of the long-term social and economic policy implications of L’Informatisation d’Societe commissioned in 1976 by President Valéry Giscard d’Estaing (Nora & Minc, 1980). In fact, one former government minister claimed in his diaries that Baker’s appointment to the government had more to do with finding a minor role for a politician piqued at his omission from the Cabinet than with Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher’s belief in the importance of IT related issues (Lawson, 1992). However, the agenda began to gather some pace following Thatcher’s departure in 1990. Under the helm of Prime Minister John Major, the Conservatives introduced a number of important policies—including a series of industrially focused information society initiatives aimed at boosting the use of ICTs by business. In addition, prompted perhaps by the popular emergence of the Internet, other branches of government began to show a greatly increased interest in the issue. For instance, a Parliamentary committee—the House of Lords Science and Technology Committee (1996)—produced a major report on the implications of the information society for government. In addition, the publication of a major study on the same issue by the European Union (1994) added weight to the emerging agenda. Shortly before losing power in 1997, the Major government produced what was arguably the UK government’s first systematic consideration of the implications of ICTs for government when it published an exploratory Green Paper titled Government.Direct (CITU, 1996). Though it came too late in the life of the government to advance its ideas any further than the discussion stage, it at least served to heighten the prominence of the agenda (Hudson, 2002).

Changing Media, Changing Politics in Japan

2007 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 147-166 ◽  
Author(s):  
MASAKI TANIGUCHI
Keyword(s):  
Mass Media ◽  
Qualitative Methods ◽  
Party Organization ◽  
Soft Or ◽  
Political News ◽  
Democratic Practice ◽  
Tv News ◽  
The Us ◽  
The Mass Media ◽  
Quantitative And Qualitative Methods

This paper demonstrates that recent changes in the mass media, especially TV programs, change democratic practice. I argue that this theory is applicable not only to the US, but also to Japan after the 1990s. This paper is organized as follows: the first section confirms that the increase in TV news after the 1980s is driven by an increase in ‘soft’ or ‘infotaining’ political news. The second section describes the changes in political practice – elections, policy processes, and party organization brought about by this change in the mass media, using both quantitative and qualitative methods.

scholarly journals STRATEGI PEMANFAATAN TEMPAT EVAKUASI SEMENTARA KECAMATAN PEUKAN BADA KABUPATEN ACEH BESAR

2018 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 113-120
Author(s):  
Amalia Herman ◽  
Teuku Budi Aulia ◽  
Ashfa Achmad
Keyword(s):  
Qualitative Methods ◽  
Natural Disaster ◽  
Group Discussion ◽  
Disaster Mitigation ◽  
Community Life ◽  
Questionnaire Data ◽  
Mitigation Planning ◽  
The Government ◽  
Quantitative And Qualitative Methods ◽  
Main Factor

The disaster phenomenon has encouraged regions to rearrange community life including in Aceh Besar district which is an area affected by earthquake and tsunami. Nowadays the government concern to handling a natural disaster by constructing the Temporary Evacuation Shelter (TES). Therefore, this study aiming at gaining society perception of TES, and determining the main factor and the strategies on the use of TES. The benefits are to provide information and input to the Government and the management of TES. Quantitative and qualitative methods were used in this study. The questionnaire was distributed to the target respondents as much as 233 questionnaires. Furthermore, Focused Group Discussion (FGD) held by invited society figure and stakeholders to obtain the strategies of the use of TES. Results from the analysis questionnaire data indicate that people secured with the existence of TES. The main factor is the availability of TES facilities. The conclusion from FGD is introducing TES early by including disaster curriculum in school, developing local wisdom from good habits that is preparing a family mitigation planning. Moreover, the BPBD Aceh Besar should be aware of the availability of facilities of TES and prepare a disaster mitigation plan on community base considering the children, elderly and disabilities.

scholarly journals Competitiveness Model of Bioethanol Industry

2013 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 214
Author(s):  
Muzakar Isa ◽  
Kusmiati Kusmiati
Keyword(s):  
Mixed Methods ◽  
Natural Gas ◽  
Qualitative Methods ◽  
Business Strategy ◽  
Fossil Fuels ◽  
Working Capital ◽  
Energy Needs ◽  
Diamond Model ◽  
The Government ◽  
Quantitative And Qualitative Methods

The need for energy is increasing every year. More than 80% of energy needs met by fossil fuels derived from petroleum and natural gas. To anticipate, the Government issued Presidential Regulation No. 5 of 2006 on the national energy. In this regulation, the government took steps to saving energy and looking for new sources of energy that are renewable and environmentally friendly. One is bioethanol. This study aims to analyze the competitiveness of bioethanol industry in Bekonang Sukoharjo. This study used mixed methods, namely the incorporation of quantitative and qualitative methods in a single study. The measurement of competitiveness is using Porter's Diamond Model. The results show the competitiveness of bioethanol industry is influenced by business strategy, potential buyers, working capital and innovation. Currently, bioethanol industry competitiveness is low.

scholarly journals The Securitization of the European Migrant Crisis - Evidence From Bulgaria and Hungary (2015-2017)

2019 ◽  
Vol 11 (4) ◽  
pp. 78
Author(s):  
Tatiana P. Rizova
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
World War Ii ◽  
Cultural Values ◽  
Media Coverage ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Foreign Nationals ◽  
Security Concerns ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Impact

Conflicts in Afghanistan, Iraq, and Syria over the past fifteen years have produced the largest waves of displaced people and refugees since World War II. As European Union (EU) leaders braced for an influx of thousands of people fleeing from these conflicts, they faced pressures to revisit and modify legal rules that left countries in Southeastern Europe and the Mediterranean unable to cope with a crisis of unprecedented proportions in the twenty-first century. While the logistical challenges of this humanitarian disaster threatened to undermine Southeastern and Mediterranean states’ capacity, multiple terrorist attacks across Europe magnified the security concerns of EU leaders. This paper compares how two of the European Union’s newest member states – Bulgaria and Hungary – have tackled the migrant crisis and assesses the impact of security concerns on their refugee policies. Some of the responses of these countries’ governments were similar – both governments mandated the erection or extension of physical barriers to impede migrants’ entry on their countries’ territory. While the Bulgarian government took cues from the rhetoric and actions of key EU leaders such as Angela Merkel, the Hungarian government continuously antagonized EU leaders and declined to cooperate with their proposed multi-lateral strategies of handling the migrant crisis. Decisions taken by the two governments were, to some extent, dictated by security concerns. The rhetoric of the Hungarian government, however, contained stronger nationalist overtones than that of the Bulgarian government. Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orbán and his right-wing government led an anti-migrant and anti-refugee campaign that sought to exclude foreign nationals due to the patent incompatibility of their cultural values with those of Hungary’s nationals. On the other hand, the rhetoric of Bulgaria’s Prime Minister – Boiko Borisov – was more dualistic and contradictory. His policy statements to the foreign press or at EU summits reflected the general sentiment of the top EU brass, whereas statements made to the Bulgarian media focused more specifically on security concerns and were far more critical of the foreign nationals attempting to enter Bulgaria’s territory. Moreover, the security-focused rhetoric and actions of the government became more strident immediately before and after the Bulgarian presidential elections of November 2016, which led to the resignation of Borisov’s cabinet. Political parties in Bulgaria, including Borisov’s GERB party have increasingly become critical of refugees living in Bulgaria’s admission centers. Borisov’s government even extradited a group of Afghan asylum seekers due to their involvement in a riot at one of the refugee admission centers. This study is based on a content analysis of statements made by Bulgarian and Hungarian government officials and media coverage in several Bulgarian and Hungarian news publications between 2015 and 2017.

Cambodia in 2020

Asian Survey ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 61 (1) ◽  
pp. 123-129
Author(s):  
John D. Ciorciari
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Investment ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
The United States ◽  
Tourism Industry ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Quarter Century ◽  
Political Dissent ◽  
Dependent Relationship ◽  
The Government ◽  
Garment And Textile

In 2020, Cambodia experienced its sharpest economic contraction in more than a quarter-century as COVID-19 crippled its tourism industry, hampered foreign investment, and reduced demand for exports from its crucial garment and textile sectors. Wary of simmering popular unrest, the government of long-serving Prime Minister Hun Sen sought to support the battered economy with one hand while stifling domestic political dissent with the other. Domestic crackdowns brought further erosion of Cambodia’s ties with the European Union, and relations with the United States and some Southeast Asian neighbors remained tense as Cambodia drifted closer into a dependent relationship with China.

E-Government in the UK

2011 ◽  
pp. 172-178
Author(s):  
John Hudson
Keyword(s):  
Information Society ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
Policy Implications ◽  
Green Paper ◽  
Minor Role ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Parliamentary Committee ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Uk ◽  
A Minor

Like many of its western counterparts, the United Kingdom (UK) government has a long history of using IT in the administration and delivery of public services. Indeed, as early as 1959 mainframe computers were introduced in order to automate some routine aspects of public administration (Margetts & Willcocks, 1992, p. 329). However, it was not until the late 1970s and early 1980s—as the UK rose to the forefront of the emerging microcomputer industry—that IT featured in policy discourse in anything other than an extremely minor fashion. Even then—despite the appointment of Kenneth Baker as the government’s first Information Technology Minister in 1981—the issue did not feature prominently and there was nothing approaching the equivalence of the neighbouring French government’s review of the long-term social and economic policy implications of L’Informatisation d’Societe commissioned in 1976 by President Valéry Giscard d’Estaing (Nora & Minc, 1980). In fact, one former government minister claimed in his diaries that Baker’s appointment to the government had more to do with finding a minor role for a politician piqued at his omission from the Cabinet than with Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher’s belief in the importance of IT related issues (Lawson, 1992). However, the agenda began to gather some pace following Thatcher’s departure in 1990. Under the helm of Prime Minister John Major, the Conservatives introduced a number of important policies—including a series of industrially focused information society initiatives aimed at boosting the use of ICTs by business. In addition, prompted perhaps by the popular emergence of the Internet, other branches of government began to show a greatly increased interest in the issue. For instance, a Parliamentary committee—the House of Lords Science and Technology Committee (1996)—produced a major report on the implications of the information society for government. In addition, the publication of a major study on the same issue by the European Union (1994) added weight to the emerging agenda. Shortly before losing power in 1997, the Major government produced what was arguably the UK government’s first systematic consideration of the implications of ICTs for government when it published an exploratory Green Paper titled Government.Direct (CITU, 1996). Though it came too late in the life of the government to advance its ideas any further than the discussion stage, it at least served to heighten the prominence of the agenda (Hudson, 2002).

scholarly journals DEVELOPMENT OF RELOCATION STRATEGIES REGARDING ERUPTION HAZARD IN MOUNT MERAPI

2015 ◽  
Vol 1 (3) ◽  
pp. 107
Author(s):  
Rosdiana Puji Lestari
Keyword(s):  
Qualitative Methods ◽  
Swot Analysis ◽  
Community Empowerment ◽  
Economic Life ◽  
The Social ◽  
Tourist Village ◽  
The Government ◽  
Ownership Of Land ◽  
The Impact ◽  
Quantitative And Qualitative Methods

The research was conducted to answer a questions: 1) how the relocation of the current strategy was carried out by the government 2) the problems that arise in the relocation which has yet to be resolved, 3) how the good concept of relocation so that these problems can be minimized. The research methodology used in this study combined quantitative and qualitative methods. Qualitative methods are used to explain the empirical facts that exist in each of these conditions in the relocation settlements. SWOT analysis is used to provide an overview of the strengths, weaknesses, opportunities and threats in the relocation of victims of Merapi. Information, facts and issues that arise in the study will be described, explained and analyzed primarily for the impact of residential relocation on social and economic life of the community. Relocation concept of the economic aspects of community empowerment efforts should be made related to community economic recovery after a change in livelihood. In addition, the potential of community mapping needs to be done by the government to be optimized and developed. From the aspect of government settlements seek to transfer ownership of land in the new settlement which may be the property of the citizens so that citizens obtain legal certainty while occupying the new settlement. The social aspects of the development potential of relocating residents and making it as a tourist village, residents need to support that relocation is no longer a newcomer, they have the same rights and obligations with citizens of another.

Systematic Brutality, Torture and Abuse of Human Rights by the Nigerian Police: Narratives of Inmates in Ogun State Prisons

2017 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Richard A. Aborisade ◽  
Abolaji Adewale Obileye
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Data Collection ◽  
Qualitative Methods ◽  
Criminal Investigation ◽  
Human Right ◽  
Ogun State ◽  
Police Authority ◽  
The Government ◽  
State Prisons ◽  
Quantitative And Qualitative Methods

Nigeria is a country where serious cases of abuse of police authority and human rights infringements by security agents often stimulate intense public debate. Though there have been consistent denials by the leadership of the Nigerian Police on the use of torture-based interrogations to elicit information from arrestees, extant literature affirms that the police rely on different forms of torture as principal means of investigation. This paper appraised the recurrent problem of brutality and abuse of human right by the Nigerian police. Triangulating both quantitative and qualitative methods of data collection which included questionnaires administered on 1000 accidentally selected inmates, 50 purposively selected in-depth interviewees and 10 officials of the five prisons in Ogun State who were key informants. The study found that the police rely heavily on the use of torture to elicit “confessions” from arrestees. Former detainees reported experiences that included being bound and suspended midair in painful positions, kicked and beaten with machetes, gun butts, boots, fists, electrical wires, animal hides, and other instruments. The lack of capacity to conduct proper criminal investigation is responsible for the reliance of the police on tortureinduced confessions. Therefore, there is need for the government to improve on the capacity of the Police in their investigative responsibilities and encourage professionalism amongst its rank and file.

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