Cambodia in 2020

Asian Survey ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 61 (1) ◽  
pp. 123-129
Author(s):  
John D. Ciorciari

In 2020, Cambodia experienced its sharpest economic contraction in more than a quarter-century as COVID-19 crippled its tourism industry, hampered foreign investment, and reduced demand for exports from its crucial garment and textile sectors. Wary of simmering popular unrest, the government of long-serving Prime Minister Hun Sen sought to support the battered economy with one hand while stifling domestic political dissent with the other. Domestic crackdowns brought further erosion of Cambodia’s ties with the European Union, and relations with the United States and some Southeast Asian neighbors remained tense as Cambodia drifted closer into a dependent relationship with China.

Modern Italy ◽  
2008 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 135-153 ◽  
Author(s):  
Raffaella A. Del Sarto ◽  
Nathalie Tocci

Focusing on Italy's Middle East policies under the second Berlusconi (2001–2006) and the second Prodi (2006–2008) governments, this article assesses the manner and extent to which the observed foreign policy shifts between the two governments can be explained in terms of the rebalancing between a ‘Europeanist’ and a transatlantic orientation. Arguing that Rome's policy towards the Middle East hinges less on Italy's specific interests and objectives in the region and more on whether the preference of the government in power is to foster closer ties to the United States or concentrate on the European Union, the analysis highlights how these swings of the pendulum along the EU–US axis are inextricably linked to a number of underlying structural weaknesses of Rome's foreign policy. In particular, the oscillations can be explained by the prevalence of short-term political (and domestic) considerations and the absence of long-term, substantive political strategies, or, in short, by the phenomenon of ‘politics without policy’ that often characterises Italy's foreign policy.


2021 ◽  
Vol 05 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nima Norouzi

: One of the focal points of the global energy struggle in recent years has been storytelling in the Eastern Mediterranean. Greece and the Greek Cypriot government (GCA), in cooperation with Egypt and Israel, are implementing a containment strategy against Turkey and the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus (TRNC) in the region. Turkey’s response to this plan was an exclusive agreement with Libya. Turkey and Libya have signed a memorandum of understanding between the government of national reconciliation on limiting the maritime jurisdiction of the new continental shelf in the Eastern Mediterranean - the only borders of the lottery’s economic zone. Greece could act with other countries, and it is said that Turkey’s competence will be ratified in the face of agreements that may restrict movement. The United States and the European Union (EU) also sought to share gas with European countries against Turkey, Israel, and the GCA. This article focuses on Libya’s ongoing competition, given Libya’s oil geopolitics and challenges in the eastern Mediterranean region. This paper briefly investigates the energy geopolitics in the eastern Mediterranean and North African region; this paper aims to conclude the diverse opinions led by various interests and points of view and propose a solution for the ever-growing tensions in this region.


2020 ◽  
Vol 11 (3) ◽  
pp. 332-346
Author(s):  
David Mangan*

2020 had been marked as a significant year for the UK with its departure from the European Union. The coronavirus pandemic quickly became the most important issue facing the Government under a third Prime Minister since the 2016 referendum. From the start, problems have dogged this Government in meeting the monumental challenges posed by Covid-19. The UK approached the work implications of this pandemic in some distinct ways, as compared to European Union Member States. This piece is longer than other country reports in this volume as a result of critically engaging with these differences.


1983 ◽  
Vol 25 (2) ◽  
pp. 139-169 ◽  
Author(s):  
Vaughan A. Lewis

This study is a sequel to one done by this writer on the foreign policy of Jamaica from 1972 to 1977 (Lewis, 1981) and covers the remaining period during which the People's National Party (PNP), led by Prime Minister Michael Manley, presided over the government of the country.In elections held on October 30, 1980, the PNP government was decisively defeated by the opposition Jamaica Labour Party (JLP). The latter had, in the previous elections of December 15, 1976, retained only 13 seats in Jamaica's parliament. When the Jamaica Labour Party administration took office, as the party had promised in its election manifesto, it reversed the central planks of the domestic and foreign policies of the PNP administration and reestablished a close relationship with the United States as the main element of its domestic and foreign policies.


2009 ◽  
Vol 51 ◽  
pp. 83-101
Author(s):  
Mantas Martišius ◽  
Vilija Navickaitė

Straipsnyje informacinio karo aspektu nagrinėjamas 2008 metų rugpjūtį kilusio penkių dienų konflikto tarp Rusijos ir Gruzijos atspindėjimas Lietuvos ir Italijos internetinėje žiniasklaidoje. Nagrinėjamas informacinio karo vaidmuo 2008 metų Rusijos ir Gruzijos kare. Aptariamas karinio konflikto pateikimas pasirinktose žiniasklaidos priemonėse tiriamuoju laikotarpiu. Nagrinėjama, kaip buvo pristatoma didėjanti įtampą Šiaurės Kaukazo regione. Gvildenama, kokią poziciją kariaujančių šalių atžvilgiuužėmė Lietuvos ir Italijos tyrimui pasirinktos žiniasklaidos priemonės. Nagrinėjama informaciniame kare pasireiškianti tendencija, kai žiniasklaida ima palaikyti savo valdžios oficialiąją poziciją kariaujančių šalių atžvilgiu.Presenting the 2008 Russia–Georgia war in Lithuanian and Italian press in information warfare aspectMantas Martišius, Vilija Navickaitė SummaryThe five-day war between Russia and Georgia in the summer of 2008 during the Olympic games in Beijing immediately concentrated the world’s mass media attention and raised public discussions on the reasons and consequences of this confrontation. The paper claims to verify the hypothesis that the Italian mass media were favourable to Russia’s position considering the official Italian–Russian close relationships and the personal friendship of recent Italian prime minister and media magnate Silvio Berlusconi with Russia’s expresident and recent prime minister Vladimir Putin. On the other hand, Lithuanian mass media should have been a favourable to Georgia’s position considering the common historical experience and the official Lithuania’s governmental support of this country advocated in the European Union and NATO membership procedure.By holding the empirical analysis of the mass media publications, the objectives of the research were the following: 1) to explore the concept of information warfare; 2) to determine the contribution of the media to the conflict coverage; 3) to analyze the Italian and Lithuanian mass media publications by selected criteria: a) to analyze the publications of Lithuanian mass media by quantitative and qualitative methods; b) to analyze the publications of Italian mass media by quantitative and qualitative methods; 4) to analyze the reasons for such attitude.According to the empirical research, the evidence of information warfare is clear. Lithuanian mass media into the information warfare. It surrendered to the rule engaged during the war to support the government. This shows that Lithuanian mass media deviated from the truth and objectivity. During the war, Lithuanian society received biased partial information. News from the five-day war between Russia and Georgia were unreliable and incomplete. Ther were no neutral and balanced answers to the questions why the war broke out, who started the fire, how it developed. This happened not just because Russia and Georgia waged the information war, but also as a responsibility of Lithuanian mass media to follow the politics of support to Georgia.The Italian mass media took a neutral position, the type of analyzed mass media which belongs to central left political parties recently placing in opposition and criticizing the S. Berlusconi decision to be favourable to Russia’ s position. Therefore, the conflict between Russia and Georgia was “their” and the Italian mass media just informed society about the events. Thus, the hypothesis was corroborated only in part.


Author(s):  
Bader Mustafa

Sanctions are one of the most important tools used in foreign policy after World War II. Moreover, sanctions” subject is keeping to be a controversial one, even though the international institutions and powerful states are using sanctions since the beginning of the 20th century. However, the scientific and political community could not reach a clear-cut stand on sanctions” effectiveness. This ambiguity happens for many reasons: the humanitarian consequence of sanctions, the possibilities of achieving their goals, and the political disagreement between great powers like the use of the VETO right in the Security Council. Regarding Syria as the government and entities connected to it, are facing intensive sanctions starting from 2011 especially from the European Union, and the United States of America. Nevertheless, those sanctions were not the first case that Syria is facing sanctions in its history. Therefor his paper would investigate the cases of sanctions that been imposed on Syria, from 1979, until 2011 and after, according to (the spatial model conclusions, which suggests three directions for the result of sanctions; first sanctions success possibility unilaterally or multilaterally is high, if the sanctioned system is democratic and has a strong relationship with the sender. The second is; sanctions may have a positive result in changing an authoritarian regime if the nature of the sanctions were not fatal to the existence of the regime. The third is that sanctions on authoritarian regimes would fail if they target its existence and would result in overthrowing it.


Subject Thailand's long-delayed election. Significance More than 40 new political parties have been registered in Thailand since March 2, and established parties will be allowed to begin registering members on April 1, as Prime Minister Prayut Chan-o-cha and the military-led National Council for Peace and Order (NCPO) begin a process of preparing for a long-delayed general election. The 2017 constitution initiated by the NCPO allows the (to be re-established) House of Representatives to select an ‘outsider’ as prime minister if it is unable to decide on a party-affiliated figure. Impacts Persistent election delays will not affect Thailand’s current economic recovery. Despite mounting political pressure on the government to commit to a poll, anti-government protests will not grow. Improving relations with the United States could insulate the government from EU pressure on delayed elections.


Author(s):  
J. Hudson

Like many of its western counterparts, the United Kingdom (UK) government has a long history of using IT in the administration and delivery of public services. Indeed, as early as 1959 mainframe computers were introduced in order to automate some routine aspects of public administration (Margetts & Willcocks, 1992, p. 329). However, it was not until the late 1970s and early 1980s—as the UK rose to the forefront of the emerging microcomputer industry—that IT featured in policy discourse in anything other than an extremely minor fashion. Even then—despite the appointment of Kenneth Baker as the government’s first Information Technology Minister in 1981—the issue did not feature prominently and there was nothing approaching the equivalence of the neighbouring French government’s review of the long-term social and economic policy implications of L’Informatisation d’Societe commissioned in 1976 by President Valéry Giscard d’Estaing (Nora & Minc, 1980). In fact, one former government minister claimed in his diaries that Baker’s appointment to the government had more to do with finding a minor role for a politician piqued at his omission from the Cabinet than with Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher’s belief in the importance of IT related issues (Lawson, 1992). However, the agenda began to gather some pace following Thatcher’s departure in 1990. Under the helm of Prime Minister John Major, the Conservatives introduced a number of important policies—including a series of industrially focused information society initiatives aimed at boosting the use of ICTs by business. In addition, prompted perhaps by the popular emergence of the Internet, other branches of government began to show a greatly increased interest in the issue. For instance, a Parliamentary committee—the House of Lords Science and Technology Committee (1996)—produced a major report on the implications of the information society for government. In addition, the publication of a major study on the same issue by the European Union (1994) added weight to the emerging agenda. Shortly before losing power in 1997, the Major government produced what was arguably the UK government’s first systematic consideration of the implications of ICTs for government when it published an exploratory Green Paper titled Government.Direct (CITU, 1996). Though it came too late in the life of the government to advance its ideas any further than the discussion stage, it at least served to heighten the prominence of the agenda (Hudson, 2002).


Author(s):  
Yukon Huang

Ongoing negotiations of bilateral investment treaties between China and the United States and European Union serve as the primary means for both sides to engage in economic policy discussions. Many believe that US firms are investing a lot in China, although the amounts have been modest in comparison with the flows between China and the European Union. This is largely due to the composition of their respective trade with each other and not just political sensitivities. Both the United States and the European Union are confronting China with concerns about its restrictive investment practices, pressures for technology transfer, and intellectual property theft at a time when China seeks to become more innovative by moving up the technology ladder. China complains about being subjected to excessive scrutiny by agencies such as the Committee on Foreign Investments in the United States. Views differ significantly, making it difficult to reach agreement on policy options.


2020 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 71-111
Author(s):  
Z. W. Iwanowski ◽  
D. M. Rozental

The paper examines a complex web of domestic and external issues which have both provoked a systemic crisis in Venezuela and, at the same time, determined its specificity in comparison with the wave of protests sweeping across Latin America in 2019.The authors conclude that the escalation of the conflict in Venezuela was caused not only by the standoff between the legislative and the executive branches of the government, but also by the split of the whole society into proponents and opponents of ‘socialism of the 21st century’. The contradictions have led to the formation of the parallel branches of power: two presidents, two parliaments and two supreme courts (one of them in exile) which de facto coexist in the country and each claims exclusive rights and legitimacy.The authors also stress that the situation in Venezuela has obvious regional consequences. The miscalculations of the incumbent president were used in election campaigns in other Latin American countries and became one of the reasons for the defeat of left candidates, the subsequent ‘right drift’ leading to the isolation of the republic. The new political landscape has also affected the architecture of integration associations, which failed to develop a unified position toward the Bolivarian regime.Furthermore, in a current heightened state of international tensions Venezuela has turned into a theatre of international rivalry and conflict involving all the key subjects of world politics. The United States, China, Russia and the European Union compete for the energy resources of the country and pursue their own strategic interests. The inability or unwillingness of external forces to reach compromise and to bring the parties to the negotiating table can pose a threat to peace and international security.As a result, Venezuela has become one of the most turbulent countries in the region. At the same time, the repeated outbursts of protest waves are significantly different from popular uprisings in other Latin American states. In the worst-case scenario, a constantly worsening situation may result in a social explosion which threatens to make the Bolivarian Republic another hot spot of the planet.


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