scholarly journals SOCIALINIŲ INSTITUCIJŲ KRITIKA GILL ES’IO DELEUZE’O IR FELIXO GUATTARI FILOSOFIJOJE

Problemos ◽  
2009 ◽  
Vol 76 ◽  
pp. 39-51
Author(s):  
Audronė Žukauskaitė

Straipsnyje analizuojama socialinių institucijų kritika, išplėtota Deleuze’o ir Guattari knygose Anti-Oidipas ir Tūkstantis plokštikalnių bei trumpame, bet reikšmingame Deleuze’o tekste „Prierašas apie kontrolės visuomenę“. Deleuze’as ir Guattari kuria mašininę visuomenės sampratą: jų teigimu, skirtingas socialines ir ekonomines formacijas įmanoma įsivaizduoti kaip virtualias mašinas, kurios gali aktualizuotis bet kuriuo istoriniu momentu. Analizuodami valstybės aparatą, Deleuze’as ir Guattari vengia nuorodų į konkrečias valstybes; veikiau jie kalba apie universalią valstybę-formą, kuri veikia kaip užgrobimo aparatas. Valstybė-forma suvokiama kaip suvienodinantis ir standartizuojantis principas, o karo mašina, priešingai, siekia sulaužyti sustingusias formas ir kurti inovacijas. Šie du agregatai – valstybės aparatas ir karo mašina – apibūdina ne tik valstybę ir jai besipriešinančias jėgas, bet persmelkia visas žmogaus veiklos sferas: mokslą, filosofiją, meną. Deleuze’o ir Guattari formuluojama valstybės aparato kritika artima Michelio Foucault disciplinos visuomenės teorijai. Foucault galios samprata taip pat yra mechanicistinė: galia persmelkia sociumą įsikūnydama disciplininiuose aparatuose. Deleuze’as disciplinos visuomenės teorijai priešpriešina savąją kontrolės visuomenės sampratą: priešingai nei disciplininė galia, kuri buvo ilgalaikė, visa apimanti, tačiau netolydi, kontrolė sukuria tolydų ir nuolat kintantį galios tinklą, kuris apraizgo visas žmogaus veiklos sferas.Pagrindiniai žodžiai: socialinės mašinos, valstybės aparatas, karo mašina, disciplinos visuomenė, kontrolės visuomenė.Critique of Social Institutions in Gilles Deleuze’s and Felix Guattari’s PhilosophyAudronė Žukauskaitė   SummaryThe article discusses Deleuze’s and Guattari’s notions of society and state. In Anti-Oedipus, Deleuze and Guattari analyze the territorial, despotic and capitalist machines which are seen not as different stages of historical evolution but as different types of an abstract machine. In A Thousand Plateaus Deleuze and Guattari develop the mechanistic notion of the state: the state – form is an abstract machine or a diagram which can be actualized in different historical state forms. The state – form is juxtaposed to another type of assemblage called the nomadic war machine. If the state-form functions as a principle of unification and standardization, the war machine is seen as a principle of metamorphic transformations and innovations. Deleuze and Guattari’s theories of society and state are compared with Michel Foucault’s mechanistic notion of society. Deleuze contrasts his notion of control society to the notion of discipline society by Foucault. If the mechanisms of discipline are discontinuous and function in precise space areas, the mechanisms of control produce continuous and all-encompassing networks which totally merge with our corporeal existence.Keywords: social machines, state apparatus, war machine, discipline society, control society.

Author(s):  
Gavin Rae

This chapter engages with Gilles Deleuze and Felix Guattari’s analysis of the war machine, suggesting that it contradicts Arendt’s analysis and offers the most radical critique within the radical-juridical paradigm. Premised on the notion that we must rethink sovereignty from ontological difference rather than unity, Deleuze and Guattari radically undermine the indivisibility that defines the classic-juridical conception. Far from being located in one individual or point, sovereignty is always tied to the State, which is a multiplicity that expresses the constantly moving, fluid, and dynamic field of difference. By thinking the social world in terms of heterogeneity, Deleuze and Guattari undermine the hierarchical conception of sovereignty underpinning the classic-juridical model, but continue to implicitly insist that State sovereignty is tied to the maintenance of juridical order; an order that is always threatened by or in conflict with the war machine that disrupts it. As a consequence, they conclude that sovereign order is always far more unstable and disordered than it appears to be.


2006 ◽  
Vol 39 (3) ◽  
pp. 387-410 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lucan A. Way ◽  
Steven Levitsky

This article examines coercive capacity and its impact on autocratic regime stability in the context of post-Soviet Armenia, Belarus, Georgia, and Ukraine. In the post-Cold War era, different types of coercive acts require different types of state power. First, high intensity and risky measures – such as firing on large crowds or stealing elections – necessitate high degrees of cohesion or compliance within the state apparatus. Second, effective low intensity measures – including the surveillance and infiltration of opposition, and various forms of less visible police harassment – require extensive state scope or a well-trained state apparatus that penetrates large parts of society. Coercive state capacity, rooted in cohesion and scope, has often been more important than opposition strength in determining whether autocrats fall or remain in power. Thus, the regime in Armenia that was backed by a highly cohesive state with extensive scope was able to maintain power in the face of highly mobilized opposition challenges. By contrast, regimes in Georgia where the state lacked cohesion and scope fell in the face of even weakly mobilized opposition. Relatively high scope but only moderate cohesion in Belarus and Ukraine has made autocratic regimes in these countries generally more effective at low intensity coercion to prevent the emergence of opposition than at high intensity coercion necessary to face down serious opposition challenges.


Author(s):  
Mark Whitehead ◽  
Rhys Jones ◽  
Martin Jones

The previous two chapters have examined key moments and sites of nature– state interaction and have argued for the need to explore the manifold contexts within which these linkages develop. This discussion proved useful as a way of highlighting the different ways in which modern states have sought to frame national natures through ideological and material processes, and began to illustrate the ideological and concrete impacts of national natures on state organizations. This chapter focuses on the ways in which nature has been incorporated into the state apparatus, as well as showing how the state apparatus has helped to frame national natures. When referring to the state apparatus, we mean the ‘set of institutions and organizations through which state power is exercised’ (Clark and Dear 1984: 45). The state apparatus is distinct from the state form, which refers to the relationship between a given state structure and a particular social formation, and the state function, which alludes to the ‘activities which are undertaken in the name of the state’ (Clark and Dear 1984: 37, 41). Despite the reference to a state apparatus in the preceding sentences, it is clear that it does not represent a singular entity. If, as Neil Brenner (2004: 4) maintains, a reference to the state in the singular misleadingly ascribes to it a unity and uniformity that it does not possess, then by the same token, we need to think about the state apparatus as something that is not singular in character. Gordon Clark and Michael Dear (1984) have emphasized the multi-faceted and plural nature of the state apparatus. The state apparatus, in this sense, comprises an agglomeration of different sub-apparatuses, which are the ‘collection of agencies, organizations and institutions which together constitute the means by which state functions are attained’, and para-apparatuses, namely those ‘auxiliary agencies’ that possess ‘some degree of operational autonomy’ (Brenner 2004: 49). The state apparatus ranges, therefore, from those bureaucracies charged with conducting the state’s executive functions to a plethora of agencies involved in its more mundane aspects of governance. For Antonio Gramsci, the state apparatus is even broader in scope, drawing in important aspects of civil society.


2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (525) ◽  
pp. 6-13
Author(s):  
M. R. Lychkovska ◽  

The article is aimed at generalizing the essential content of the concept of «creativity» in the context of the components that comprise it; analyzing the main factors influencing them; identifying tendencies and particularities of the manifestation of an unproductive type of creativity against the background of the development of the crisis of trust and their devastating impact on the country’s economy; substantiating the importance of drawing attention to these problems in forming the main tasks of the State policy on the effective implementation of the Strategy–2030. The article generalizes approaches to the interpretation of the concept of «creativity». Four of its types are allocated: technological (inventiveness); economic (entrepreneurship), as well as artistic and cultural creativity. It is underlined that different types of creativity should not be considered incompatible; on the contrary, they should inspire each other, and the interaction between them creates an important synergistic effect. It is argued that the factors that combine different types of creativity are innovation, entrepreneurs and entrepreneurial abilities. It is substantiated that creativity, in all forms of its manifestation, innovativeness and entrepreneurship should become end-to-end qualities that will combine all 20 directions of the Strategy. Precisely these factors should be taken into account in determining strategic goals, ways to achieve them and in the tasks of the State economic policy. It is emphasized that in order for these factors to be turned from innovation potential into a resource of development, the necessary element is motivation. It is defined that motivation can generate two types of creativity – productive and unproductive. It is proved that unproductive creativity inhibits socio-economic development, or even destroys it. The main tendencies, types and features of the manifestation of unproductive type of creativity in different stakeholders in the context of the «crisis of trust» are allocated and analyzed. Based on the analysis of the current state of trust in social institutions, it is determined that it is very low. It is underlined that under such conditions, the «crisis of trust» will continue to motivate and provoke the development of an unproductive type of creativity in all its forms and can become a multiplier for the development of negative socio-economic events that will make the implementation of the National Economic Strategy very problematic.


2018 ◽  
Vol 39 (2) ◽  
pp. 304-325
Author(s):  
Nathan Widder

AbstractThis paper elaborates Deleuze and Guattari’s ‘war machine’ in relation to key theses in Hegel’s political philosophy, with the aim of showing how it illuminates the conditions under which politics and political institutions as Hegel understands them both emerge and are compromised. After first introducing the idea of the war machine and its appropriation by discussing it in relation to Carl Schmitt’s theory of partisan warfare, it examines both the war machine and Hegel’s theory of the State by way of a focus on Hegel’s discussions of drive (Trieb) and semblance (Schein). Regarding the first, the paper explores how both Hegel and Deleuze and Guattari conceive of social structure in terms of a structure of drives even while they differ in their understandings of the drives in relation to desire and subjectivity. Regarding the second, the paper explores how moments of semblance identified by Hegel as he develops his system of Right reveal points where the war machine can emerge from within State structures. The paper argues that the war machine concept challenges understandings of politics built on friend/enemy antagonisms and the use of external conflict to secure internal unity, the former being Schmitt’s explicit political project and the second being the place at which Hegel’s project ultimately finds itself when it fails to secure the rational structure of Ethical Life.


2020 ◽  
Vol 26 (40) ◽  
pp. 297-309
Author(s):  
Veronica Miranda Damasceno

Trata-se, neste artigo, de apresentar algumas considerações sobre as Teses de nomadologia, abordadas por Deleuze e Guattari em Mil Platôs (Deleuze, Guattari, 1995), bem como os possíveis vínculos dessas Teses com as artes. Pensar a nomadologia implica em levar em consideração o problema do capitalismo e de seu desenvolvimento e ainda em retirar o pensamento do modelo estatal, fazer dele um ato revolucionário, um devir-revolucionário. A relação que propomos dessas Teses com as artes é no sentido de pensar a arte como resistência e fabulação criadora. Na arte, a criação faz apelo a uma forma futura e a um povo que ainda não existe, invocando, pois, uma nova terra e, por efeito, um povo porvir. Essa é a função fabuladora da arte.Palavras-chave: Nomadologia; Arte; Criação; Fabulação; Máquina de guerra.AbstractThis article intents to presenting some considerations about the Theses of nomadology, introduced by Deleuze and Guattari in A thousand plateaus (Deleuze, Guattari, 1995), as well as the possible links of these Theses with the arts. Thinking about nomadology implies taking into account the problem of capitalism and its development and also removing thinking from the state model, making it a revolutionary act, a becoming-revolutionary. The relation that we propose, of these Theses, with the arts is in the sense of thinking as art as resistance and creative fabulation. In art, creation appeals to a future form and to a people that do not yet exist, thus invoking a new land and, in effect, a people to come. This is the fabulation function of art.Keywords: Nomadology; Art; Creation; Fabulation; War machine.  


2019 ◽  
Vol 34 (4) ◽  
pp. 107-129
Author(s):  
Marta Baron-Milian

The article constitutes an attempt at analysing futurist pronatalist discourse, on the basis of the manifestos and artistic praxis of the Futurists. The reproduction postulates, prevalent in the works of the Polish Futurists and usually placed in the context of vitalism, characteristic of the 1920s, are shown from a biopolitical perspective, emphasizing the intersection of the biological with the political and social horizons. The author attempts to trace especially the political entanglements of the “population project” of the Polish Futurists, which turns out be marked by numerous paradoxes, situating itself between the pronatalist rhetoric typical of nationalistdiscourse (on the one hand, the discourse promoted by F.T. Marinetti, and on the other, the one formulated in Poland directly after regaining independence) and thinking in terms of a community which starts from the material functions of the body. In this second context, the reproduction postulates are not only an attack on bourgeois morality, but are closely connected with the futurist critique of all social institutions and the state apparatus with its biopolitical dispositions.


2017 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 188-208 ◽  
Author(s):  
Cerasela Voiculescu

Inspired by Deleuze and Guattari, the article discusses Roma Pentecostalism as nomad self-governance or self-ministry and political affirmation, in a dialectical conversation with stable apparatuses of power such as state and transnational polities advancing a neoliberal program of social integration as semiological apparatus of capture. The latter is upheld by expert social sciences as royal sciences, which translate alternative forms of self-governance into the conceptual apparatus of the state and transnational polities. On the other hand, Pentecostal self-ministry works as disaffected power undoing the architecture of the state subject, authorizing new hermeneutics of the self to take control over semiological acts of translation, and engenders a political resubjectivation of the governed. The article identifies Roma Pentecostalism as a source of political reawakening of Romani civil society, a creative line of flight with an immense power of deterritorialization of the main domains of subjection.


2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 120-128
Author(s):  
Fotuho Waruwu ◽  
Dematria Pringgabayu

Human Resources (HR) is a very important part in PT Bank Daerah Syariah, so that it is expected that there is an ideal and sufficient working period to optimize employee careers and increase employee commitment to the company, considering the products produced by the company are products used to facilitate the state apparatus work system and service to the wider community.This study aims to determine the effect of variable Career Development and Organizational Climate on the commitment of Employees in PT Bank Daerah Syariah. The method used in this study is a research mix method, which is a step of research by combining two forms of approach in research that is quantitative and qualitative. The population in this study were all employees in the Bank Daerah Syariah (BDS) as many as 53 employeesThe results showed that the career development variable (X1) and also the Organizational Climate (X2) had a positive and significant effect on the variable Employee Commitment (Y). The conclusion of the research shows that to increase the commitment of employees in PT Bank Daerah Syariah, the company needs to improve the existing career development system and maintain the organizational climate so that it remains conducive for all employees. 


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