METHODOLOGY FOR STUDYING THE TRANSFORMATION OF ECONOMIC FUNCTIONS OF THE STATE IN THE CONTEXT OF GLOBALIZATION

2021 ◽  
Vol 2021 (7) ◽  
pp. 5-13
Author(s):  
Andrii GRYTSENKO ◽  

It is shown that modern socio-economic transformations of planetary scale are significantly changing the place and role of the state in the local, national and global dimensions, which increases the importance of discussing the problems of transformation of its functions in the context of globalization. It is argued that globalization processes create a contradiction between the interests of transnational and international structures and the political and economic interests of nation states. This is due to the fact that, on the one hand, part of the socioeconomic processes within countries come from the influence of the nation state and, on the other, private international structures are beginning to largely determine the course of events in a particular state. It is shown that the empirical generalization of economic functions of the state has a superficial character, a logical-historical methodology substantiated, the application of which allows to conclude that the market as a mechanism for reconciling the private interests of economic entities and the state as the embodiment of general economic interests are complementary structures. A logical-historical methodology is developed, which, in contrast to the empirical approach, contains other formulations and classification grouping of economic functions of the state, defining the main ones as follows: expression and representation of general economic interests, ensuring economic needs of society as a whole and protection of public economic interests. All other functions are derivative. Within the logical-historical methodology, it is substantiated that the main directions of transformation of the main economic functions of the state are: weakening of the monopoly component of its function in representation of public economic interests and growth of value in this process of state-public institutions; increasing the level of socialization and humanization of economic needs and ways to meet them; internationalization of mechanisms for protection of economic interests of states. It is noted that these areas of transformation of the main economic functions of the state should be given due attention by scientists, experts and developers of socioeconomic policy.

Author(s):  
Kate Crowley ◽  
Jenny Stewart ◽  
Adrian Kay ◽  
Brian Head

For all nation-states, the context in which public policies must be developed and applied continues to become more complex and demanding. Yet policy studies has not fully responded to the challenges and opportunities represented by these developments. While governance has drawn attention to a globalising and network-based policy world, politics and the role of the state have been de-emphasised. The book addresses this imbalance through a process of reconsideration – re-visiting traditional policy-analytic concepts and re-developing and extending new ones. The objects of reconsideration are of two types: firstly, themes relating to ‘deep’ policy: policy systems; institutions, the state and borders; and secondly, policy-in-action: information, advice, implementation and policy change. Through these eight perspectives, each developed as a chapter of this book, the authors have produced a melded approach to policy, which they call systemic institutionalism. They define this approach as one that provides a broad analytic perspective that links policy with governance (implemented action) on the one hand, and the state (structured authority) on the other. By identifying research agendas based on these insights, the book suggests how real world issues might be substantively addressed, in particular more complex and challenging issues, through examples that bring out the ‘policy’ (the history and potential for collective public action) in the system.


2019 ◽  
pp. 60-70
Author(s):  
Mykhailo Stepyko

This article has analyzed the influence of postmodern practices on the development and functioning of nation states, their culture and identity. It is shown that postmodernism is largely determined by the processes of globalization as the current defining civilizational progress, the content of which is the growing interconnection and interdependence of national economies, political and socio-cultural systems, as well as the identity of universalistic practices of regulating the activity of subjects of world-system relations in different spheres of being. It was found that one of the problematic consequences of postmodernism is the radical transformation of traditional structures and principles of self-identification, both collective and personal wherever they happen, and whatever the institutional, cultural layers of society and patterns of behavior affect people. Close coexistence and even interpenetration of completely different, sometimes mutually exclusive, and sometimes simply disjointed value scales lead to total relativization of everything and everybody when even personal and collective identities lose the quality of metaphysical constants and are perceived as an unfinished project. That is why a person of the postmodern age is deprived of self-certainty. Therefore, there is a great need to rethink the content and consequences of postmodern practices of blurring traditional identities and the emergence of new ones, the role of the state in preserving and protecting the values, contents, ideals, cultural models and language that shape and reproduce the nation. It is concluded that in post-totalitarian states of the European space (including Ukraine), processes of globalization and post-modern practices create two opposite tendencies. On the one hand, globalization unifies, internalizes and westernizes all aspects of society. On the other hand, in the way of bringing the elements of modern democracy into the life of the post-totalitarian state, globalization stimulates the processes of cultural and spiritual revival and the desire to form the collective «We», affirm its identity and individuality through consolidation around a common history, language, culture, values and orientations, life strategies. In Ukraine, it is also a consolidation of the efforts of all its citizens to repel Russian aggression, protect the sovereignty and independence of the state, integrate into European and Euro-Atlantic structures, achieve well-being for all citizens. Ukraine, as the newest unfinished civilization project, has all prospectives of avoiding the pitfalls of both «melting pot» and multiculturalism, as well as postmodern problems, since most of them have not yet attained a broad realization in its territory.


2019 ◽  
pp. 60-70
Author(s):  
Mykhailo Stepyko

This article has analyzed the influence of postmodern practices on the development and functioning of nation states, their culture and identity. It is shown that postmodernism is largely determined by the processes of globalization as the current defining civilizational progress, the content of which is the growing interconnection and interdependence of national economies, political and socio-cultural systems, as well as the identity of universalistic practices of regulating the activity of subjects of world-system relations in different spheres of being. It was found that one of the problematic consequences of postmodernism is the radical transformation of traditional structures and principles of self-identification, both collective and personal wherever they happen, and whatever the institutional, cultural layers of society and patterns of behavior affect people. Close coexistence and even interpenetration of completely different, sometimes mutually exclusive, and sometimes simply disjointed value scales lead to total relativization of everything and everybody when even personal and collective identities lose the quality of metaphysical constants and are perceived as an unfinished project. That is why a person of the postmodern age is deprived of self-certainty. Therefore, there is a great need to rethink the content and consequences of postmodern practices of blurring traditional identities and the emergence of new ones, the role of the state in preserving and protecting the values, contents, ideals, cultural models and language that shape and reproduce the nation. It is concluded that in post-totalitarian states of the European space (including Ukraine), processes of globalization and post-modern practices create two opposite tendencies. On the one hand, globalization unifies, internalizes and westernizes all aspects of society. On the other hand, in the way of bringing the elements of modern democracy into the life of the post-totalitarian state, globalization stimulates the processes of cultural and spiritual revival and the desire to form the collective «We», affirm its identity and individuality through consolidation around a common history, language, culture, values and orientations, life strategies. In Ukraine, it is also a consolidation of the efforts of all its citizens to repel Russian aggression, protect the sovereignty and independence of the state, integrate into European and Euro-Atlantic structures, achieve well-being for all citizens. Ukraine, as the newest unfinished civilization project, has all prospectives of avoiding the pitfalls of both «melting pot» and multiculturalism, as well as postmodern problems, since most of them have not yet attained a broad realization in its territory.


2011 ◽  
Vol 1 (3) ◽  
pp. 34-66
Author(s):  
Joyce Valdovinos

The provision of water services has traditionally been considered a responsibility of the state. During the late 1980s, the private sector emerged as a key actor in the provision of public services. Mexico City was no exception to this trend and public authorities awarded service contracts to four private consortia in 1993. Through consideration of this case study, two main questions arise: First, why do public authorities establish partnerships with the private sector? Second, what are the implications of these partnerships for water governance? This article focuses, on the one hand, on the conceptual debate of water as a public and/or private good, while identifying new trends and strategies carried out by private operators. On the other hand, it analyzes the role of the state and its relationships with other actors through a governance model characterized by partnerships and multilevel networks.Spanish La provisión del servicio del agua ha sido tradicionalmente considerada como una responsabilidad del Estado. A finales de la década de 1980, el sector privado emerge como un actor clave en el suministro de servicios públicos. La ciudad de México no escapa a esta tendencia y en 1993 las autoridades públicas firman contratos de servicios con cuatro consorcios privados. A través de este estudio de caso, dos preguntas son planteadas: ¿Por qué las autoridades públicas establecen partenariados con el sector privado? ¿Cuáles son las implicaciones de dichos partenariados en la gobernanza del agua? Este artículo aborda por una parte, el debate conceptual del agua como bien público y/o privado, identificando nuevas tendencias y estrategias de los operadores privados. Por otra parte, se analizan el rol y las relaciones del Estado con otros actores a través de un modelo de gobernanza, definido en términos de partenariados y redes multi-niveles.French Les services de l'eau ont été traditionnellement considérés comme une responsabilité de l'État. À la fin des années 1980, le secteur privé est apparu comme un acteur clé dans la fourniture de certains services publics. La ville de Mexico n'a pas échappé à cette tendance et en 1993, les autorités publiques ont signé des contrats de services avec quatre consortiums privés. À travers cette étude de cas, nous nous interrogerons sur deux aspects : pourquoi les autorités publiques établissentelles des partenariats avec le secteur privé ? Quelles sont les implications de ces partenariats sur la gouvernance de l'eau ? Cet article s'intéresse, d'une part, au débat conceptuel sur l'eau en tant que bien public et/ou privé, en identifiant les tendances nouvelles et les stratégies menées par les opérateurs privés. D'autre part y sont analysés le rôle de l'État et ses relations avec d'autres acteurs à travers un modèle de gouvernance, défini en termes de partenariats, et des réseaux multi-niveaux.


2020 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 51-57
Author(s):  
V.N. Glaz ◽  
◽  
V.I. Berezhnoy ◽  
T.G. Martseva ◽  
E.V. Berezhnaya ◽  
...  

The mechanism of public policy in the regulation of public relations is built on the skillful combination of prohibitions of restrictions on the one hand, and laxity and opportunities on the other. But weakening state control may increase the level of risk to relationships. This is most clearly evident in international economic relations, where not only individual States that assume responsibility by becoming parties to conventions, agreements and treaties, but also individuals and entities that do not always support the policy of the State in the practice of implementing signed contracts, are parties. Russia pays special attention to a reasonable combination of the country’s economic interests and common interests within the framework of integration associations. The Russian customs authorities, represented by the Federal Customs Service, are one of the agents of state policy in this regard. The purpose of the activity is not only to administer the revenues from foreign economic activity to the budget, but also to protect the economic interests of the state, the participants of the foreign economic activity, professional intermediaries and individual consumers. Therefore, the development of a comprehensive policy of monitoring and assessment of customs risks will reduce the efforts of customs authorities to prevent possible offenses, and thus protect the interests of participants in foreign trade at any level.


Author(s):  
F. Amoretti

Up to 1980, development, which had been defined as nationally managed economic growth, was redefined as “successful participation in the world market” (World Bank, 1980, quoted in McMichael, 2004, p.116). On an economic scale, specialization in the world economy as opposed to replication of economic activities within a national framework emerged as a criterion of “development.” On a political level, redesigning the state on competence and quality of performance in the discharge of functions was upheld, while on an ideological plane, a neo-liberal and globalization project was to the fore. The quite evident failure of development policies in peripheral countries, on the one hand, has contributed to the debate on the need for reform of governing institutions in the world (de Senarcless, 2004); and, on the other, has pushed them, de-legitimized as they are, in the direction of finding new strategies and solutions. In the 1990s, considering their leading role in government reform, international organizations such as the United Nations Organization (UN), the World Bank, the Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) and the World Trade Organization (WTO) classified e-government as a core issue on their agenda. Innovation through information and communication technologies (ICTs) (social and economic advancement among the peoples of the world has become increasingly tied to technology creation, dissemination and utilization) is at the core of the renewed focus on the role of the state and the institutions in this process. Redefining the state—functions, responsibility, powers—as regards world-market priorities and logics, has become a strategic ground for international organization intervention, and ICTs are a strategic tool to achieve these aims.


2012 ◽  
Vol 71 (2) ◽  
pp. 361-370 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jacques P. Leider

What these four quite different books broadly share is a focus on the role of the state in Myanmar society. Current scholarship describes the authoritarian state in Myanmar, which has been controlled by the army since 1962, as either dominantly present or neglectfully absent. Censorship and the repression of autonomous spaces in society, on the one hand, and the failure of the state to enforce efficient health and environmental policies, on the other, are keywords in these works that illustrate the double-faced appearance of the state's existence and role in society.


2020 ◽  
Vol 27 (3) ◽  
pp. 303-317
Author(s):  
Carla De Laurentis

This paper analyses and critically discusses the role of regions in implementing renewable energy (RE) policies, examining the relationship between state policy and RE deployment. Using evidence from four case study regions, Apulia and Tuscany in Italy and Wales and Scotland in the UK, the paper teases out some differences in terms of regional competencies to implement RE policies across the two countries. The national governments in both Italy and the UK have constructed regulatory and governance relationships to orchestrate and reorder economic, social and ecological challenges and devolve responsibilities at the sub-national level. This has offered an opportunity for the peculiarities of regional setups to be taken into account and regions have contributed towards the promotion of green and sustainable path development via the route of promoting RE deployment. The paper argues that the downscaling and distribution of responsibility in the cases investigated reflect the capacity and willingness of nation states to respond to and mediate the strategic goals and outcomes formulated at national and international levels. Nevertheless, while the regions investigated display differences in their incentives, capacities and capabilities to increase RE deployment, their ability to act is very much influenced by nation states, stressing the important role of the state in mediating the form and direction of RE deployment.


Modern Italy ◽  
2001 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 35-58 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rupert Pichler

SummaryThe question of economic integration is not new in Europe. Historically, the birth and construction of nation-states was important in stimulating interest in the systematic relationships between political and economic integration. In the case of the multinational structure of the Habsburg monarchy in the nineteenth century, the result was an economic policy that, for political reasons, aimed to unite the material interests of a state that was completely heterogeneous in other respects. Lombardy was a case in point. Traditionally the region had been in the economic vanguard in central Europe. When it again became part of Austria in 1815 it also became subject to the imperial policy of political integration. As a result its economic priorities were partially reformulated. On the one hand, Austria had a protectionist system aimed at autarky which made incentives to industrial production a priority. Lombardy's purely mercantilist outlook, on the other hand, was based around the production of a few highly specialized goods, most notably silk, for export. Conflict between economic interests in Lombardy was the inevitable result. Nevertheless, the imperial government had to take account of the fact that it was impossible to restrict Lombardy's international trade relations exclusively to the Austrian market. And the problems that beset any effort to tie the Lombard economy into a denser network of relationships with the Austrian market were not due to the political formation of the Italian nation because Northern Italy, and Lombardy in particular, continued to occupy an anomalous position within the context of the Italian economy.


Yurispruden ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 119
Author(s):  
Arasy Pradana A Azis

ABSTRACTThe Reformation then became a momentum for improving the issues of upholding human rights in Indonesia, where human rights matters formally entered into the division of power. On the one hand, for the first time, a ministry was formed specifically to deal with human rights matters. While outside the executive body, Law No. 39 of 1999 strengthens the position of the National Commission of Human Rights which has actually been established since 1993. This phenomenon then raises a problem statement, on how bureaucratization of human rights after Reformation is manifested through the establishment of the National Human Rights Commission and the Ministry of Human Rights. It was found that each institution gained legitimacy from political dynamics in a more democratic public space. Between the state ministries for human rights and the National Commission of Human Rights, the principle of check and balances was carried out in their role as an organ of the Indonesian bureaucracy. On the one hand, the state minister for human rights is an extension of the executive's hand in managing human rights matters. As a counterweight, the National Human Rights Commission carries out the role of the state auxiliary bodies to monitor the government’s human rights work.Keywords:    Politic of Law, Bureaucratization, Human Rigths, Ministry of Law and Human Rights Affairs, National Commission of Human Rights. ABSTRAKPeristiwa Reformasi menjadi momentum perbaikan urusan penegakan HAM di Indonesia, di mana urusan HAM secara formal masuk ke dalam pembagian kekuasaan negara. Di satu sisi, untuk pertama kalinya dibentuk satu kementerian yang secara khusus menangani urusan HAM. Sementara di luar lembaga eksekutif, Undang-Undang Nomor 39 Tahun 1999 menguatkan kedudukan Komisi Nasional Hak Asasi Manusia yang sejatinya telah terbentuk sejak tahun 1993. Fenomena ini kemudian menimbulkan satu rumusan permasalahan, yaitu bagaimana birokratisasi urusan HAM pasca reformasi termanifestasi melalui pembentukan Komnas HAM dan kementerian urusan HAM. Ditemukan bahwa masing-masing lembaga memperoleh legitimasi dari dinamika politik di ruang publik yang lebih demokratis. Antara kementerian negara urusan HAM dan Komnas HAM kemudian menjalankan prinsip check and balances dalam menjalankan perannya sebagai organ birokrasi Indonesia. Di satu sisi, kementerian negara urusan HAM merupakan perpanjangan tangan eksekutif untuk mengurus urusan HAM. Sebagai penyeimbang, Komnas HAM menjalankan peran sebagai state auxiliary bodies guna mengawasi kinerja HAM pemerintah.Kata Kunci: Politik Hukum, Birokratisasi, Hak Asasi Manusia, Kementerian Urusan HAM, Komnas HAM.


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