Economic policy and development in Austrian Lombardy, 1815–1859

Modern Italy ◽  
2001 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 35-58 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rupert Pichler
Keyword(s):  
Economic Policy ◽  
Economic Integration ◽  
The Political ◽  
Italian Economy ◽  
Economic Interests ◽  
Trade Relations ◽  
Nation States ◽  
Material Interests ◽  
Systematic Relationships ◽  
The One

SummaryThe question of economic integration is not new in Europe. Historically, the birth and construction of nation-states was important in stimulating interest in the systematic relationships between political and economic integration. In the case of the multinational structure of the Habsburg monarchy in the nineteenth century, the result was an economic policy that, for political reasons, aimed to unite the material interests of a state that was completely heterogeneous in other respects. Lombardy was a case in point. Traditionally the region had been in the economic vanguard in central Europe. When it again became part of Austria in 1815 it also became subject to the imperial policy of political integration. As a result its economic priorities were partially reformulated. On the one hand, Austria had a protectionist system aimed at autarky which made incentives to industrial production a priority. Lombardy's purely mercantilist outlook, on the other hand, was based around the production of a few highly specialized goods, most notably silk, for export. Conflict between economic interests in Lombardy was the inevitable result. Nevertheless, the imperial government had to take account of the fact that it was impossible to restrict Lombardy's international trade relations exclusively to the Austrian market. And the problems that beset any effort to tie the Lombard economy into a denser network of relationships with the Austrian market were not due to the political formation of the Italian nation because Northern Italy, and Lombardy in particular, continued to occupy an anomalous position within the context of the Italian economy.

The Political Construction of a Coordinated Political Economy

2020 ◽  
pp. 1-14
Author(s):  
Philip Manow
Keyword(s):  
Economic Policy ◽  
Welfare State ◽  
Economic Performance ◽  
Research Question ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Central Research ◽  
Economic Policies ◽  
The One

The first chapter motivates the book’s central research question: how did the German variant of capitalism emerge, and what today is its central functioning logic? The chapter argues that past and recent accounts of Germany’s economic performance and economic policy have failed to fully explain how long-term stable economic coordination could have evolved in as large a country as Germany, and that this has also translated into an often biased view of Germany’s current economic policies. The chapter sketches the basic argument of the book—namely that the German welfare state was the prime means of economic coordination for unions and employers, labor and capital—and situates it in two relevant literatures: the Varieties of Capitalism literature on the one hand and the Comparative Welfare State literature on the other. The chapter also presents an overview of the book.

scholarly journals On Institutional Pluralization and the Political Genealogies of Post-Yugoslav Islam

2019 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 151-167
Author(s):  
Jeremy F. Walton ◽  
Piro Rexhepi
Keyword(s):  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Institutional History ◽  
National Politics ◽  
Minority Politics ◽  
Nation States ◽  
Institutional Ties ◽  
The One ◽  
Muslim Communities ◽  
Islamic Institutions

Over recent decades, Islamic institutions and Muslim communities in the successor nation-states of former Yugoslavia have taken shape against a variegated political and historical topography. In this article, we examine the discourses and politics surrounding Islamic institutions in four post-Yugoslav nation-states: Kosovo, Macedonia, Croatia, and Slovenia. Our analysis moves in two directions. On the one hand, we illuminate the historical legacies and institutional ties that unite Muslims across these four contexts. As we argue, this institutional history continues to mandate a singular, hegemonic model of Sunni-Hanafi Islam that pre-emptively delegitimizes Muslim communities outside of its orbit. On the other hand, we also attend to the contrasting national politics of Islam in each of our four contexts, ranging from Islamophobic anxiety and suspicion to multiculturalism, from a minority politics of differentiation to hegemonic images of ethno-national religiosity.

Israel and the European Union

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sharon Pardo
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Middle East ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Trade Relations ◽  
History Of ◽  
The One ◽  
Integration Project ◽  
The Eu

Israeli-European Union (EU) relations have consisted of a number of conflicting trends that have resulted in the emergence of a highly problematic and volatile relationship: one characterized by a strong and ever-increasing network of economic, cultural, and personal ties, yet marked, at the political level, by disappointment, bitterness, and anger. On the one hand, Israel has displayed a genuine desire to strengthen its ties with the EU and to be included as part of the European integration project. On the other hand, Israelis are deeply suspicious of the Union’s policies and are untrusting of the Union’s intentions toward the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and to the Middle East as a whole. As a result, Israel has been determined to minimize the EU’s role in the Middle East peace process (MEPP), and to deny it any direct involvement in the negotiations with the Palestinians. The article summarizes some key developments in Israeli-European Community (EC)/EU relations since 1957: the Israeli (re)turn to Europe in the late 1950s; EC-Israeli economic and trade relations; the 1980 Venice Declaration and the EC/EU involvement in the MEPP; EU-Israeli relations in a regional/Mediterranean context; the question of Israeli settlements’ products entering free of duty to the European Common Market; EU-Israeli relations in the age of the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP); the failed attempt to upgrade EU-Israeli relations between the years 2007 and 2014; and the Union’s prohibition on EU funding to Israeli entities beyond the 1967 borders. By discussing the history of this uneasy relationship, the article further offers insights into how the EU is actually judged as a global-normative actor by Israelis.

NAFTA in a Comparative Perspective: A Debate on Trade Diplomacy, Economic Policy, and Regionalism

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Isidro Morales
Keyword(s):  
Economic Policy ◽  
North America ◽  
Economic Integration ◽  
North American ◽  
Social Contexts ◽  
The Political ◽  
Public Officials ◽  
Regional Competitiveness ◽  
Policy Tool ◽  
Zero Sum

“A Marriage of Convenience” became the best metaphor, coined in 1990 by distinguished American economist Sidney Weintraub to summarize the fundamentals under which NAFTA was built and understood, at least in mainstream analysis: the economic complementarities existing among the three countries of North America could work to the benefit of everyone involved if economic integration is well managed and geared toward the improvement of regional competitiveness. Thus, NAFTA became the privileged tool under which managed integration became implemented and assessed, at least in three major domains: as a foreign policy tool to advance the interests of each nation, as an economic device to reap the benefits of integration, and as the backbone under which a regional political and social bloc could eventually be constructed. Scholars, intellectuals, and public officials engaged in the discussions around NAFTA in each of those fields shared ideas, built some consensus, and split on dissents following competing approaches and/or national cleavages. The current literature in those three major fields of discussion is rich, voluminous, and highly inspiring, sometimes making references to other integrative experiences. This article reviews these debates and highlights either the consensus or dissention witnessed in each of the three domains under which NAFTA has been discussed the most. Since NAFTA cannot be separated from the political and social contexts that the debates and discussions took place in, a reference to those political contexts can be made when explaining and summarizing the debates. At a time when the mainstream consensus around NAFTA is being challenged by U.S. President Trump’s assumption that NAFTA is not about complementary economies but about economies competing against each other under a zero-sum game rationale, politics comes back to the forefront of North American affairs. The renegotiation of NAFTA will doubtless redefine the partnership among the three North American countries and the role that economic cooperation and integration entails for each.

Sovereignty and Territory: Stakes and Perspectives

2014 ◽  
Vol 69 (02) ◽  
pp. 179-185
Author(s):  
Nicolas Barreyre ◽  
Geneviève Verdo
Keyword(s):  
The Other ◽  
Political Organization ◽  
Political Control ◽  
The Political ◽  
Berlin Wall ◽  
Contemporary World ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
Nation States ◽  
Homogeneous Block ◽  
The One

Over the course of the last twenty years, two historiographical movements have challenged the notion of sovereignty, particularly that of the “natural” anchoring of an absolute, statal form of sovereignty in a uniform territory as its perfected model. On the one hand, the experience of globalization that followed the fall of the Berlin Wall—and which fed talk of the “end of nation-states”—led to a new examination of the political organization of the contemporary world, which in part “deterritorialized” the issue of political control. On the other hand, the extraordinary rise in studies of colonial empires has established that sovereignty, far from being the homogeneous block of the jurist’s refined concept, could be exercised in varying degrees and even be conceived as multiple and “layered.”

The EEC and Comecon: A Difficult Relationship, 1960-1974

2020 ◽  
Vol 26 (1) ◽  
pp. 127-138
Author(s):  
Nicolae PĂUN
Keyword(s):  
Economic Integration ◽  
European Economic Community ◽  
Iron Curtain ◽  
Economic Community ◽  
Commercial Policy ◽  
Bilateral Agreements ◽  
Trade Relations ◽  
The Common ◽  
The One ◽  
Specific Interests

The degree of economic integration attained within Comecon never came close to the one fostered by the policies within the European Economic Community, notably the Common Commercial Policy. Moreover, the relations between the two entities were hindered by the fact that the Moscow-driven bloc fell short of granting recognition to the EEC, with trade relations being organized in the form of bilateral agreements between countries from both sides of the Iron Curtain, until the mid-1970s. This study chiefly relies on Romanian archives, which demonstrate the specific interests of socialist countries pertaining to the fate of their economic agreements with Western states, set against the background of the institutional progress made by the EEC in shaping its Common Commercial Policy. The attempts by the former to sabotage the Community endeavour are explained through figures indicating the amount of trade conducted with Western countries, but various breaches weakened Comecon’s position.

The Political Economy of Extremism: Liberalism and the One Nation Phenomenon

1998 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 33-43
Author(s):  
Geoff Dow
Keyword(s):  
Political Economy ◽  
Economic Policy ◽  
Economic Development ◽  
The Political ◽  
Policy Reforms ◽  
Local Response ◽  
Social And Economic Development ◽  
Public Responsibility ◽  
Alternative Approaches ◽  
The One

AbstractThere is continuing acceptance that the One Nation phenomenon remains a significant local response to a global problem – the adoption by national polities of internationally- oriented economic policy ‘reforms’ which are despised by populations. The dismantling of public responsibility for social and economic development has emerged as a cause of internal disaffection with conventional forms of politics. This paper attempts to separate the anti-liberal from the illiberal aspects of the responses to internationalisation and de-politicisation. It suggests that there have always been intellectually respectable anti-liberal traditions of analysis and that One Nation has tapped into some of these strands of analytical opinion. The lesson for mainstream parties is that they continue to insist on the inevitability of globalisation, and to risk further societal discontent and intolerance, only by ignoring the real alternative approaches to the responsibilities and possibilities of politics that have long been available.

scholarly journals Southeast Asia in the one belt, one road initiative

2021 ◽  
Vol 7 (3A) ◽  
pp. 1-10
Author(s):  
Inna Evgeniyivna Pidbereznykh
Keyword(s):  
Southeast Asia ◽  
Business Environment ◽  
The Philippines ◽  
The Political ◽  
Asian Countries ◽  
Economic Interests ◽  
One Belt One Road ◽  
The One ◽  
Political Realities ◽  
Southeast Asian Countries

The article describes the Chinese initiative “One Belt, One Road” by the example of its implementation in the region of Southeast Asia. At the same time, the paper investigates the prehistory of the formation of this project. Therefore, the article notes that the positions of Southeast Asian countries on the initiative proposed by China vary greatly and depend on political realities. Based on the analysis of the political and economic situation of the countries of this region the attitudes of Myanmar, Indonesia, Vietnam, Singapore, the Philippines and Japan to this Chinese initiative are highlighted in detail. The paper notes that the recent coup in Myanmar 2021 has further complicated the business environment in the country, not only putting Chinese projects at direct risk, but also threatening Beijing's economic interests in the country. In addition, the article characterizes the key risks and problems of the implementation of PRC initiatives. It is established that there are many problems on the way to the implementation of the said program.

The geopolitical dimensions of the TurkStream pipeline

2019 ◽  
Vol 17 (4) ◽  
pp. 101-121
Author(s):  
Kinga Smoleń
Keyword(s):  
Natural Gas ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Economic Interests ◽  
Economic Problems ◽  
Two Factors ◽  
The One ◽  
In The Beginning ◽  
The Eu

The empirical goal of this paper is to conduct an analysis of the geopolitical dimensions of the TurkStream pipeline, with special consideration given to its determinants as well as a diagnosis of the geopolitical implicationsof its geographical extent. To explore this problem, the following hypotheses are offered. First, the inauguration of the second branch of the TurkStream pipeline in the beginning of 2020 will strengthen the monopolistic positionof Russia as a supplier of natural gas to the countries of the European Union.This will increase the dependency of the EU on Russia and severely hamper itsability to formulate a unified, cohesive energy policy. Second, two factors that underlie the geopolitical importance of the TurkStream pipeline are Turkey’s and Southern Europe’s natural gas needs on the one hand and the political and economic interests of Russia, Turkey, and Ukraine on the other. Third, theTurkStream project should be seen as an instrument that serves to build a tactical partnership between Turkey and Russia – a partnership underpinned by the strategic interests of both countries in the Middle East. Fourth and finally, Russia’s gradual withdrawal from directing its natural gas through Ukraine will generate serious economic problems and potential energy shortages in that country. In the long term, this pressure is geared toward forcing Ukraine to re-evaluate the pro-Western trajectory of its foreign policy.

The Meaning and Function of Economic Policy Today

1943 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 216-224 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter F. Drucker
Keyword(s):  
Economic Policy ◽  
Economic Security ◽  
The Political ◽  
Economic Concept ◽  
Political Concept ◽  
Practical Politics ◽  
The One ◽  
And Function ◽  
Political Economic ◽  
Meaning And Function

Most people today mean not one but two things, when they speak of “Economic Policy”. Sometimes they mean the attainment of economic ends by means of political techniques: the “economic” concept of economic policy. Or again they mean the attainment of noneconomic, political ends by means of economic techniques: the “political” concept of economic policy. The first concept is the one the professional economist would be likely to use; and it is the only one current in economic theory. The other, the “political” concept, is that of practical politics today. It is not only war economics—whether of the Democracies or of the Nazis—that is based on a “political” economic policy but also many plans for the future such as, for instance, the Beveridge Report. For the “security” to which this and similar plans aspire, is not an economic concept but a political and social one; and it is “economic security” only because its realization is sought through economic means.

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