scholarly journals Islamic Law in the Pancasila State

2012 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
JM Muslimin

Abstrak: Hukum Islam di Negara Pancasila. Menurut al-Mâwardî dan Ibn Taymiyyah, konsep asal penerapan hukum Islam terletak pada kemestian adanya negara Islam. Tetapi, kenyataannya konsep negara Islam itu sendiri bervariasi dari waktu ke waktu. Maka, konsep yang final dan nyata tidaklah jelas wujudnya. Dengan kata lain, dapat dikatakan bahwa dalam praktiknya hukum Islam dapat diterapkan di manapun selaras dengan konteks sosio-kultural serta perkembangan dan kemajuan. Republik Indonesia adalah contoh yang baik bagaimana hukum Islam dapat diterapkan. Meski negara secara esensial tetap dalam kondisi sekuler, ide tentang penerapan syariah tidaklah secara ekstrem dilarang. Yang perlu dicatat adalah ide tersebut haruslah diperdebatkan dalam ranah publik, sehingga secara alamiah diketahui bahwa negara Pancasila memiliki batasnya sendiri untuk dapat mengakomodasi syariah di satu pihak, dan di pihak lain syariah sendiri merasakan keperluan adanya batasan tersebut dengan memperhatikan konteks Indonesia.Kata Kunci: Pancasila, khilâfah, sekuler, perdebatanAbstract: Islamic Law in the Pancasila State. According to al-Mâwardî and Ibn Taymiyyah the original concept of applying Islamic law lies on the existence of Islamic state. But, the concept of the Islamic state varies from time to time. Thus, the final and real concept always remains unclear. It can be said that in practical sense, Islamic law can be implemented anywhere in accordance with the socio-cultural context and its progress and development. The Republic of Indonesia is a good example of how shariah can be applied. Despite the State remaining relatively secular, in essence, the idea of the application of shariah is not strictly excluded. Nevertheless, these concepts should be debated in public until it is widely known that the Pancasila state is limited in accommodating shariah on the one hand and how shariah can be practised freely by the Indonesian Islamic society on the other.Keywords: Pancasila, khilâfah, secular, debateDOI: 10.15408/ajis.v12i1.976

Author(s):  
Heri Herdiawanto ◽  
Valina Singka Subekti

This study examines Hamka's political thinking about Islam and the State in the Basic State debate that took place in the Constituent Assembly 1956-1959. Hamka belongs to the basic group of defenders of the Islamic state with Mohammad Natsir in the Masyumi faction, fighting for Islamic law before other factions namely the Nationalists, Communists, Socialists, Catholics-Protestants and members of the Constituent Assembly who are not fractured. Specifically examines the issue of why Islam is fought for as a state basis by Hamka. and how Hamka thought about the relationship between Islam and the state. The research method used is a type of library research with literature studies or documents consisting of primary and secondary data and reinforced by interviews. The theory used in this study is the theory of religious relations (Islam) and the state. This study found the first, according to Hamka, the Islamic struggle as the basis of the state was as a continuation of the historical ideals of the Indonesian national movement. The second was found that the constituent debate was the repetition of Islamic and nationalist ideological debates in the formulation of the Jakarta Charter. Third, this study also found Hamka's view that the One and Only God Almighty means Tauhid or the concept of the Essence of Allah SWT. The implication of this research theory is to strengthen Islamic thinking legally formally, that is thinking that requires Islam formally plays a major role in state life. The conclusion is that Indonesian society is a heterogeneous society in terms of religion. This means that constitutionally the state recognizes the diversity of religions embraced by the Indonesian people and guarantees the freedom of every individual to embrace religion and realize the teachings he believes in all aspects of life. Hamka in the Constituent Assembly stated that the struggle to establish a state based on Islam rather than a secular state for Islamic groups was a continuation of the ideals of historical will.


2006 ◽  
Vol 23 (2) ◽  
pp. 103-105
Author(s):  
Samer Abboud

Safi’s text interrogates the potential of Islamic reform movements to articulatea democratic and pluralistic politics throughout the Middle East and thebroader Islamic world. He begins by arguing that these reform movementsexert the greatest influence in determining the direction of sociopoliticalreforms in the Middle East, and, as a result, constitute a core movement fromwhich to understand and interpret the dynamics of the region’s cultural andsociopolitical reality. Furthermore, the author argues that in the contemporaryMiddle Eastern intellectual climate, Islamic reformists represent a synthesisbetween the opposing programs of moralist-Islamists on the one hand,and nationalist-secularists on the other. This synthesis constitutes the mostviable and realistic program for genuine reform and for developing a pluralisticsociety and participatory politics. In support of this thesis, Safi dividesthe text into nine chapters constituting four interrelated parts: “Democratizationand the Islamic State,” “Visions of Reform,” “Islamic Law and HumanRights,” and “Islam in a Global Cultural Order.”The first part poses the question of whether democracy and pluralism canflourish in a society in which Islamic law commands the majority’s allegiance.His answer is cautiously affirmative, as it depends on the rejuvenationof cultural and legal reforms grounded in a historical Muslim experience that offers the tools to transcend current political and cultural institutions.As such, both the secular state and Islamist movements preclude such arenewal: the former because its structures negate the possibility of pluralisticpolitics, and the latter because its merging of state structures with the communalstructure of the historical Shari`ah contradicts the nature of the Islamicpolity as established by the Prophet.These restrictions can be overcome through grounding the state in twopillars. First, this means severing the link between the state and the ummah,a separation necessary to ensure that the state and its institutions are nothijacked by particularistic interests or erected as obstructions to the Islamiccommunity’s spiritual and conceptual development. Such an Islamic state,which privileges the marshalling of state resources toward the Islamiccommunity’s spiritual goals, also has, as its second pillar, the concept of consensus(ijma` ). Classical jurists viewed this concept as the fundamentalprinciple that confers legitimacy upon the state. Therefore, the state gainsits legitimacy insofar as it reflects the ummah’s will ...


2021 ◽  
Vol 8 (5) ◽  
pp. 1261-1272
Author(s):  
Mufidah Mufidah ◽  
Djawahir Hejazziey ◽  
Novi Yuspita Sari

Article 29 paragraph 1 of the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia states that "the State is based on the One Supreme Godhead." This means that the state has given legitimacy to Islamic law as formal law in the Indonesian constitutional system. Islamic law has a great opportunity to be formalized into regulations, because the majority of Indonesians are Muslims. Perda Syariah itself in its journey has shown significant developments. There have been 433 regional regulations issued in Indonesia since 1998, however, these regional regulations with Islamic nuances have generated pro-contra attitudes from various parties. This study uses a qualitative research method with a literature approach. The results of the study state that there are still some parties who feel that regional regulations were born only as political needs that are less effective in their implementation, and others think that sharia regulations are an effort to regulate people's behavior so that they are in accordance with living norms.Keywords: Sharia Regional Regulation; Regional Autonomy; Formalization of Islamic Law Abstrak: Pasal 29 ayat 1 Undang-Undang Dasar Negara Republik Indonesia Tahun 1945 menyatakan bahwa “Negara berdasarkan atas Ketuhanan Yang Maha Esa.” Artinya negara telah memberikan legitimasi hukum Islam sebagai hukum formal dalam sistem ketatanegaraan Indonesia. Hukum Islam memiliki peluang yang besar untuk diformalkan menjadi peraturan, karena mayoritas bangsa Indonesia adalah pemeluk agama Islam. Perda Syariah sendiri dalam perjalanannya telah menunjukkan perkembangan yang signifikan. Telah ada 433 Perda lahir di Indonesia sejak tahun 1998, namun Perda-perda bernuansa Islam tersebut menimbulkan sikap pro-kontra dari berbagai pihak. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode penelitian kualitatif dengan pendekatan literatur. Hasil penelitian menyatakan bahwa masih ada sebagian pihak merasa bahwa Perda lahir hanya sebagai kebutuhan politik yang kurang efektif dalam pelaksanaannya, dan  sebagian lain beranggapan bahwa Perda syariah adalah sebuah upaya untuk menertibkan perilaku masyarakat agar sesuai dengan norma-norma yang hidup.Kata Kunci: Perda Syariah; Otonomi Daerah; Formalisasi Hukum Islam


2018 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 37-56
Author(s):  
Abdul Qayyuum Aminnuddin ◽  
Mohd Anuar Ramli

Negara Brunei Darussalam is known as a country that strongly adhere and follow the Syafi‘ite School of Islamic law (madhhab). Both in daily practice of its Islamic society as well as in the Islamic legal pronouncements (fatwa) that have been issued. Hence, this study aims to demonstrate the existence of opinion from madhhabs other than the Syafi‘ite in the justifications of the State Mufti of Brunei for issuing fatwa. Therefore, library research was conducted to gather suitable fatwas, while content analysis method was performed to identify fatwas that comprised the opinion of madhhabs other than the Syafi‘ite. As a result of this study, those opinions that were brought up in the fatwas are caused by several factors. Namely to show the similarities and differences of opinion between those madhhab and the Syafi‘ite, to meet the demand of the one seeking fatwa (al-mustafti) and when the State Mufti was giving guidance (irsyad) at the end of his fatwa. Keywords: Madhhab, Hanafi, Maliki, Syafi‘i, Hanbali, Fatwa, Brunei. Abstrak Negara Brunei Darussalam dikenali dengan negara yang berpegang kuat dengan mazhab Syafi‘I sama ada dalam amalan seharian masyarakat Islamnya mahupun dalam keputusan-keputusan fatwa yang dikeluarkan. Justeru kajian ini bertujuan untuk memperlihatkan kewujudan pendapat mazhab selain Syafi‘I dalam hujah-hujah Mufti Kerajaan Brunei bagi mengeluarkan fatwa. Kaedah perpustakaan dijalankan untuk mengumpul fatwa yang dikaji dan kaedah analisis kandungan digunakan untuk mengenal pasti fatwa yang terdapat di dalamnya pendapat dari luar mazhab Syafi‘i. Hasil kajian mendapati pendapat-pendapat mazhab selain Syafi‘I yang dikemukakan dalam fatwa-fatwa tersebut adalah disebabkan oleh beberapa faktor iaitu bagi menunjukkan persamaan dan perbezaan pendapat, bagi memenuhi permintaan orang yang bertanya dan apabila Mufti Kerajaan Brunei mengemukakan irsyad di hujung teks fatwanya. Kata kunci: Mazhab, Hanafi, Maliki, Syafi‘i, Hanbali, Fatwa, Brunei.


JURISDICTIE ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 193
Author(s):  
Heru Purwono

The State of Indonesia is a State of Law, so in the case of the policy being made it must be based on the law. Fulfillment of the State’s treasury not using the concept of Islamic State such as zakat, but using taxes, whose legal basis is not derived from the Quran or Sunnah but based on the ijtihad scholars related tax law is based on the Qur’an and Sunnah. This journal study aims to find out how the policy of tax amnesty in indeneia is contrary to the constitution or not, and this writing will also describe how the Islamic view of tax forgiveness. This type of research is normative juridical and research approach is approach concept and approach of law. The results of this study indicate that tax forgiveness in Indonesia is not only for tax runners, but also for tax officials who are negligent in carrying out duties in taxes, tax amnesty is very useful to improve the tax system in Indonesia, tax administration and when viewed from the concept of Mashlahah (Islamic law), the forgiveness of taxes including Mashlahah Dharuriyah which can be useful for Hifzh al-Nafs (keeping soul), and Hifzh al-Mal (guarding the treasures) of all Indonesian people.<br />Negara Indonesia adalah Negara Hukum, maka dalam hal kebijakan yang dibuat harus berdasar pada hukum. Pemenuhan uang kas Negara bukan menggunakan konsep Negara Islam seperti zakat, tetapi menggunakan pajak, yang dasar hukumnya bukan berasal dari Quran atau Sunnah akan tetapi berdasarkan ijtihad para ulama terkait hukum pajak tersebut yang didasarkan pada Qur’an dan Sunnah. Penelitian jurnal ini bertujuan untuk mengetahui bagaimana kebijakan pengampunan pajak di indonesia apakah bertentangan dengan konstitusi atau tidak, dan penulisan ini juga akan mengurai bagaimana pandangan Islam terhadap pengampunan pajak. Jenis penelitian ini adalah yuridis normatif dan pendekatan penelitiannya adalah pendekatan konsep (satute approach) dan pendekatan undang-undang (statute approach). Hasil dari penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwa pengampunan pajak di Indonesia bukan hanya untuk para pelari pajak saja, akan tetapi juga untuk petugas pajak yang lalai dalam menjalankan tugas dalam menarik pajak, amnesty pajak sangat bermanfaat untuk memperbaiki system perpajakan di Indonesia, administrasi perpajakan dan jika dilihat dari konsep Mashlahah (hukum Islam), pengampunan pajak termasuk Mashlahah Dharuriyah yang dapat berguna untuk Hifzh al-Nafs (menjaga jiwa), dan Hifzh al-Mal (menjaga harta) seluruh rakyat Indonesia.


1993 ◽  
Vol 52 (3) ◽  
pp. 565-583 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mark R. Woodward

In social and political discourse in contemporary Indonesia, the use of hadīth texts serves social and political as well as more narrowly religious ends. Among the purposes of the translation and exegesis of Arabic texts are the definition of an ideal Islamic society and indications of the ways Indonesia falls short of this ideal. In a narrow sense, contemporary translations are examples of what Bernard Lewis (1988:92) calls the “authoritarian and quietist” mode of Muslim political thought because they refrain from calling for an Islamic state. But in the context of Indonesian political culture they approach what he terms the “radical activist” mode, and seek to reshape society, if not the state, in the image of the Qur’ān and hadīth.


PRANATA HUKUM ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 43-52
Author(s):  
Tubagus Muhammad Nasarudin

The rule of law in the perspective of Pancasila which can be termed the law state of Indonesia or the rule of law state of Pancasila besides having the same elements as the rule of law in the rechtstaat and rule of law, also has specific elements that make the Indonesian law state different from the concept of the state generally known law. The difference locates in the values contained in the Preamble to the 1945 Constitution which contain Pancasila with the principles of the Belief in the one and only God and the absence of separation between the state and religion, the principle of deliberation in the implementation of state government power, the principle of social justice, kinship and mutual cooperation, as well as laws that serve the integrity of the unitary state of Indonesia. The Pancasila Law State concept is characterized by: (1) Close relations between religion and state (2) Stand on the one and only God (3) Freedom of religion in a positive sense (4) Atheism is not justified and communism is forbidden and (5) The principle of kinship and harmony. As for the main elements of the Republic of Indonesia Law State are: (1) Pancasila (2) MPR (3) Constitutional system (4) equality and (5) Free trial.


2021 ◽  
Vol 3 (02) ◽  
pp. 11-21
Author(s):  
Manahil Yaqoob ◽  
Farhana Mehmood

Islamic Law (Shariah) has granted fundamental human rights to Muslims and non-Muslims and safeguards their life and property by providing equal social justice. The significant feature of Shariah is to provide non-Muslims the freedom to exercise their religion in an Islamic state. The paper discusses non-Muslim’s worship places that are established in an Islamic society.  The objective of this research is to remove misunderstandings created by International media on current issues against Islamic teachings, Muslim jurists debate on Shariah perspective regarding the status of construction or erection of worship places. This present paper divided the debate on three major issues which are addressed by the Muslim jurist in today’s conflicting scenario. Firstly, Religious freedom to exercise non-Muslim’s faith in an Islamic state, secondly rulings for non-Muslim’s worship places on Islamic Lands, and lastly rebuilding and construction of non-Muslim’s worship places in a multi-faith society. A descriptive and analytical approach has been adopted for juristic opinions. The paper examines these debates by Muslim jurists of the Sunni school of thought and concludes that Shariah has granted non-Muslim’s right to construct or upright their worship places in their majority ruler area. A Muslim ruler may protect worship places of non-muslims and on the circumstantial requirement, he authorized to convert these places where necessary under the principles of Mashlaha Aama defined by the principles of Shariah.


2021 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 25-33
Author(s):  
Musyaffa Amin Ash Shabah

This study analyzes same-sex marriage and interfaith marriage in the perspective of HumanRights and Islamic Law. This research is a library research using the juridical-normative approachand descriptive analysis data. The results of the study show that same-sex marriage by nature hasagainst the nature of human life that is born to establish mental and biological bonds between theopposite sex, namely between men and women. The Positive Legal Review emphasizes that in theMarriage Law, it is stated that marriage is a physical and spiritual bond between a man and a womanto form a family or household and to carry on offspring and aim at upholding religious teachingsand carrying out customs. On the other hand, Islamic religious law also explicitly prohibits same-sexmarriage. As for the relation to interfaith marriage, if it is legalized, it is a violation of the constitution.Article 29 of the 1945 Constitution states that the State is based on the One Godhead (paragraph 1).The state guarantees the freedom of every resident to embrace his own religion and worship accordingto his religion and belief (verse 2). This article clearly states that the State guarantees every citizento practice his religious teachings. One form of freedom of religious worship is manifested in theimplementation of marriage. Religion regulates the procedures for marriage, including what is allowedand not done. Six religions recognized in Indonesia reject interfaith marriage. The legalization ofinterfaith marriage means that the government does not respect the prevailing rules in religion.


2018 ◽  
Vol 42 (4) ◽  
pp. 797-810
Author(s):  
Juan Cole

Egypt and Iraq display contrasting policies in the relationship between state and religion. Egypt's nationalist officer corps has subordinated political Islam, stigmatized the Muslim Brotherhood, and bended clerics to its will. While Arab Iraq presents two models, both hold a similar stance on religion: one an elected, parliamentary government dominated by political Islam and Shiite clerics; the other a theocratic Sunni caliphate of the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant. Egypt and Iraq are heirs to two differing Ottoman solutions to the problem of religion-state relations, the legacy of which is often overlooked. The most prevalent model subordinates clergy and religion to the state in the tradition of Mehmet I. This model is characteristic of the empire in its glory years and would have been recognized by Suleyman the Magnificent. In the other model, the late-nineteenth- and early-twentieth-century Hamidian caliphate, the head of state claimed temporal and religious authority to combat colonial penetration. Neither Ottoman nor colonial norms of governance, nor nationalist states succeeding them, developed methods to deal with multiethnic states or avoid a tyranny of the majority. Unlike the modernizing Ottoman caliphate, however, the caliphates of Mulla Omar and Ibrahim al-Samarra'i display a literalist reading of sharia and a ruthless disregard of humane prohibitions in mainstream Islamic law against killing innocents. Of the two models, the likely victor is the state-centric subordination of religion because latter-day caliphates have flourished only briefly as radical and sectarian movements in rugged territories where power vacuums existed.


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