scholarly journals “Leviathan”, or an essay on the doctrine of the state by T. Hobbes

2020 ◽  
Vol 23 (8) ◽  
pp. 26-36
Author(s):  
Vadym Nikolenko

The study focuses on individual episodes of the biography, the most notable ideas and main socio-political views of the outstanding English scientist, social philosopher, theorist of the origin of the state – T. Hobbes. On the basis of the classic work “Leviathan”, his backbone thoughts on the processes of state building, the development of a balanced normative and legislative system and specific motives for striving for power are highlighted. In particular, attention is focused on the search by the researcher of the optimal balance between freedom and the duties of a citizen. The aspiration of the classic to a comprehensive study of the most effective mechanism, optimal forms of public administration, primarily for the establishment of stable social order and safety, is noted. The scientist emphasized that an authoritative, sovereign, legitimate state is able to effective cope with the tasks set. In which those in power are obliged to be guided by norms of morality and law. Characterized, according to the researcher, the socio-psychological traits of both average citizens and sovereigns for the full life support of the country.Highlighted his heuristic principles of anthropomorphism, which more metaphorically, expressively detail the likely destructive diseases of the state, among which he considered the lack of frugality and the processes of oligarchization of the socio-political system to be especially unsafe. Scientists emphasized the absolute rejection of corruption, lack of social justice, abuse of power. Thus, the advantages and disadvantages of various forms of government were highlighted, in particular, monarchical, aristocratic, democratic. The scientists himself was an active supporter of absolute monarchy and the unshakable authority of the state. At the same time, he focused not so much on the duties of citizens to the state, as on the duties of state representatives to their citizens, the implementation of which can state structure effective, authoritative and legitimate. At the same time, the contribution of T. Hobbes to the development of the philosophy of law is highlighted. In general, it was emphasized that the English scientist comprehensively substantiated his own thought about the immutability of human nature in the form of manifestations of selfishness, individualism, insatiable appetites, unrestrained passions, and the desire for social change. According to the philosopher, only a just, sovereign, authoritative state is capable of curbing the negative manifestations of human nature. In addition, attention focused on the state-forming nature of his philosophy and the scientist’s significant contribution to the development of the theory of the social contract or the contractual origin of the state is highlighted.

Costume ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 50 (1) ◽  
pp. 42-62 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mikael Alm

This article focuses on the seventy-three essays that were submitted to the Swedish Royal Patriotic Society in 1773, in response to a competition for the best essay on the advantages and disadvantages of a national dress. When presenting their thoughts on the design and realization of a national dress, the authors came to reflect on deeper issues of social order and sartorial culture, describing their views on society and its constituent parts, as well as the trappings of visual appearances. Clothes were an intricate part of the visual culture surrounding early modern social hierarchies; differentiation between groups and individuals were readily visualized through dress. Focusing on the three primary means for visual differentiation identified in the essays — colour, fabrics and forms — this article explores the governing notions of hierarchies in regards to sartorial appearance, and the sartorial practices for making the social order legible in late eighteenth-century Sweden.


2020 ◽  
Vol 144 ◽  
pp. 26-35
Author(s):  
Rem V. Ryzhov ◽  
◽  
Vladimir A. Ryzhov ◽  

Society is historically associated with the state, which plays the role of an institution of power and government. The main task of the state is life support, survival, development of society and the sovereignty of the country. The main mechanism that the state uses to implement these functions is natural social networks. They permeate every cell of society, all elements of the country and its territory. However, they can have a control center, or act on the principle of self-organization (network centrism). The web is a universal natural technology with a category status in science. The work describes five basic factors of any social network, in particular the state, as well as what distinguishes the social network from other organizational models of society. Social networks of the state rely on communication, transport and other networks of the country, being a mechanism for the implementation of a single strategy and plan. However, the emergence of other strong network centers of competition for state power inevitably leads to problems — social conflicts and even catastrophes in society due to the destruction of existing social institutions. The paper identifies the main pitfalls using alternative social networks that destroy the foundations of the state and other social institutions, which leads to the loss of sovereignty, and even to the complete collapse of the country.


2021 ◽  
Vol 66 ◽  
pp. 113-117
Author(s):  
M.O. Buk

This article is dedicated to the analysis of the essential hallmarks of social services procurement. The attention is focused on the absence of the unity of the scientists’ thoughts as for the definition of the term “social procurement”. It has been determined that in the foreign scientific literature the scientists to denote the term “social procurement” use the notions “social contracting”, “social order” and “social commissioning”, and they use these notions with slightly different meanings. Therefore, the notion “social procurement” is defined as: 1) activity of a country; 2) form of the state support; 3) complex of measures; 4) legal mechanism. The article has grounded the expediency of the definition of social procurement in the legal relations of social care as a special legal way to influence the behavior of the parties of the social care legal relations. The publication advocates the idea that social procurement is one of the conditions for the rise of the state and private sectors partnership. The state-private partnership in the legal relations regarding the provision of social services is proposed to be defined as cooperation between Ukraine, AR of Crimea, territorial communities represented by the competent state bodies, self-government bodies (authorized bodies in the sphere of social services provision) and legal entities, but for the state and municipal enterprises and establishments, and organizations (providers of social services) regarding the provision of social services, which is carried out on the basis of an agreement and under the procedure set by the Law of Ukraine “On Social Services” and other legal acts that regulate the social care legal relations. The article substantiates the thesis that the subject of the social procurement is social services and resolution of social issues of the state/regional/local levels in the aspect of the satisfaction of the needs of people/families for social services (state/regional/local programs of social services). It has been determined that the main forms of realization of the social procurement in the social care legal relations are public procurements of social services and financing of the state/regional/local programs of social services. The public procurement of social services is carried out under the procedure set by the Law of Ukraine “On  Public Procurement” taking into account the special features determined by the Law of Ukraine “On Social Services”. The social procurement in the form of financing of the state/regional/local programs of social services is decided upon the results of the tender announced by a client according to the plan for realization of the corresponding target program.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrea Brock ◽  
Nathan Stephens-Griffin

Environmental justice (EJ) activists have long worked with abolitionists in their communities, critiquing the ways policing, prisons, and pollution are entangled and racially constituted (Braz and Gilmore 2006). Yet, much EJ scholarship reflects a liberal Western focus on a more equal distribution of harms, rather than challenging the underlying systems of exploitation these harms rest upon (Álvarez and Coolsaet 2020). This article argues that policing facilitates environmentally unjust developments that are inherently harmful to nature and society. Policing helps enforce a social order rooted in the ‘securing’ of property, hierarchy, and human-nature exploitation. Examining the colonial continuities of policing, we argue that EJ must challenge the assumed necessity of policing, overcome the mythology of the state as ‘arbiter of justice’, and work to create social conditions in which policing is unnecessary. This will help open space to question other related harmful hegemonic principles. Policing drives environmental injustice, so EJ must embrace abolition.


2011 ◽  
pp. 3-10
Author(s):  
Robert E. L. Faris
Keyword(s):  

Author(s):  
Joanna Innes

The late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries saw attempts around the Mediterranean world to replace an old order of privilege and delegated power with one in which all subjects were equal before the state. Across southern Europe, revolutionary France provided the model: under French and subsequently liberal regimes, privilege in state, church, and economy was cut back; there were analogous changes in the Ottoman world. Legal change did not always translate into substantive social change. Nonetheless, new conceptions of a largely autonomous ‘society’ developed, and new protocols were invented to relate state to ‘society’, often entailing use of tax status as a reference point for the allocation of rights and duties. The French Doctrinaires argued that the abolition of privilege made society ‘democratic’, posing the question, how was such a society best governed? By the middle of the nineteenth century, this conception was widely endorsed across southern Europe.


2001 ◽  
Vol 25 (3) ◽  
pp. 543-564
Author(s):  
Kester Aspden

It is ironic that it should have been the leader of the church with the greatest proportion of working-class members who took up the most hostile stance to the General Strike of 1926. While Francis Bourne (1862–1935), Cardinal Archbishop of Westminster, won the plaudits of the Establishment for his unambiguous denunciation of the strike, that cautious septuagenarian Randall Davidson, Archbishop of Canterbury, found himself cast in the unlikely role of the workers’ friend after his illstarred attempt to conciliate the two sides. Sheridan Gilley has highlighted another contrast: while in 1926 Bourne found himself sharply opposed to labour, in a 1918 pastoral letter he had been insistent that the Church should reach an accommodation with the ‘modern labour unrest’. While Gilley implies that his General Strike condemnation was uncharacteristic, Buchanan suggests that this was closer to expressing his ‘real political views’ than his 1918 statement. This article aims to provide a closer examination of the shift in Bourne’s attitude, and to consider the broader episcopal response to social and political questions during these fraught years.


1934 ◽  
Vol 3 (4) ◽  
pp. 285-299
Author(s):  
Cyril K. Gloyn

The era of the English Reform Bill of 1832 presented difficulties and dangers to both state and church. For the state it set the task of achieving a social order—of forming a new social mind—in a period when social change had destroyed the basis of custom in English life and thought. The rise and growth of mechanized industry had produced both a new working class separated from the land and the processes of production and with only its labor to sell in return for a meager livelihood, and a new industrial middle class which, finding itself excluded from the rights and privileges of the state, had set about the task of acquiring a political position comparable to its new economic status. Though the latter group secured the passage of the Reform Bill, to secure social stability was a much more difficult task. The industrial society showed itself as a divided society, described by Disraeli as “two nations between whom there is no intercourse and no sympathy … as if they were dwellers in different zones, or inhabitants of different planets,” a society in whose towns a French writer of the period could discover “nothing but masters and operatives.”


1986 ◽  
Vol 20 (2) ◽  
pp. 233-257
Author(s):  
Lee Sigelman

Classic works of fiction almost always raise “penetrating questions about the foundations and effects of the political regime, i.e. human nature and its implications for society.” But popular fiction, too, can be an instrument of social and political understanding. As Gore Vidal has argued:Writers of fiction, even more than systematic philosophers, tend to reveal unconscious presuppositions. One might even say that those writers who are the most popular are the ones who share the largest number of common assumptions with their audience, subliminally reflecting prejudices and aspirations so obvious that they are never stated and, never stated, never precisely understood or even recognized. John O'Hara is an excellent example of this kind of writer.


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