scholarly journals ICMI dan Surat Kabar Republika: Studi Tindakan ICMI terhadap Revivalisme Islam di Indonesia

2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 255-268
Author(s):  
Suntara Guci Pangestu ◽  
Widiati Isana

Revivalism is used as a tool by modernists to respond to the domination of a group that eliminates the original values of the dominated people, ICMI was born as a new-political power to become the backbone of Muslims in offensive movements to combat the mushrooming boredom. Neo-revivalism was used as an ICMI maneuver during the New Order era, to return Islam to a social order, which was purely in accordance with past texts. ICMI gave birth to Republika Newspaper, a product to support the action; propaganda and columns to accommodate the aspirations of Muslims

Author(s):  
Prajak Kongkirati

Thailand fits the pattern of pernicious polarized politics identified in this volume, where a previously excluded group successfully gains political power through the ballot box, governs unilaterally to pursue radical reforms, and produces a backlash from the traditional power elites. In Thailand, elite conflict has been a major part of the story, but this article argues that political polarization there cannot be merely understood as “elite-driven”: conflict among the elites and the masses, and the interaction between them, produced polarized and unstable politics. Violent struggle is caused by class structure and regional, urban-rural disparities; elite struggle activates the existing social cleavages; and ideological framing deepens the polarization. While the Yellow Shirts and traditional elites want to restore and uphold the “Thai-style democracy” with royal nationalism, the Red Shirts espouse the “populist democracy” of strong elected government with popular nationalism and egalitarian social order.


Africa ◽  
1931 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 164-177 ◽  
Author(s):  
Diedrich Westermann

Opening ParagraphThe following remarks are not addressed to specialists, but to those Europeans and Africans working in Africa who have for professional reasons an interest in getting to know the native better and, if possible, in making this knowledge available to a wider circle. This applies pre-eminently to missionaries. They, more than any other body of men, have an interest in studying the people among whom they work. It is their aim to transform the inner life of the tribe and of the individual. They are co-operating in creating a new religious, moral, and often social order. Only those who know the traditional environment of the native have the opportunity and the right of effecting such a transformation, as they are thus in a position to forge links between the old and the new, and in consequence will make the new ideas develop naturally from the old ways of thought. Old traditions must not be pushed on one side and ignored, on the contrary they should be carefully studied to see if there is not embedded in them something that can be incorporated in the new order, or something that has to be transformed.


1993 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael Weiler

Rhetorical criticism examines ideology as a form of strategic argumentation that functions to legitimize political authority. Ideology presents itself as political philosophy in a way that calls attention to its argumentation. Ideological arguments support claims (1) that those who wield political power represent the interests of all, and (2) that the existing social order is natural and inevitable in light of human nature. Functionally, ideology is indispensible, but perverse. Formally, ideology is argumentation that obscures its partiality under claims to universality.


2018 ◽  
Vol 7 (5) ◽  
pp. 803
Author(s):  
Zeki Tekin ◽  
Gülnaz Okumuş

<p><strong>Abstract</strong></p><p>Mankind has put forth a special effort to ensure the order of society since the very beginning of it. The Ottoman State, has always ensured the public and social order like other Islamic states in the light of Allah's commandments. However, the present order started deteriorating due to dwindling basic principles (justice, merit, consultancy ...) with time which were imposed by the Shariah Law; to which the Ottoman Empire was subjected.</p><p>The radical developments in the political, economic, social and legal fields that took place in Europe had affected the Ottoman State seriously like other states. Under the influence of all these internal and external dynamics, the Ottoman Empire started quest for a new order and attempted to bring a series of reforms under the name of westernization or modernization. Thus in the Ottoman State, besides these reform movements, the idea of creating a constitution had also emerged.</p><p>This study tries to find out the internal and external dynamics in the formation of Kanun-ı Esasi which was the first constitution of the Ottoman Empire in the modern sense and the consequences of this quest for order.</p><p><strong>Öz</strong></p><p>İnsanoğlu, var olduğundan beri yaşadığı toplumun düzenini temin edebilmek için özel bir çaba göstermiştir. Kuruluşu itibariyle Ortaçağ devletlerinden olan Osmanlı Devleti, diğer İslam devletleri gibi kamu ve toplum düzenini her zaman Allah’ın hükümleri doğrultusunda tesis etmiştir. Ancak Osmanlının   tâbi olduğu şer’i hukukun vaz ettiği temel prensiplerin (adalet, liyakat, meşveret…) zamanla göz ardı edilmesi ile mevcut düzen bozulmaya başlamıştır.</p><p>Avrupa’da meydana gelen siyasal, ekonomik, toplumsal ve hukuk alanlarındaki köklü gelişmeler Osmanlı Devleti’ni ciddi anlamda etkilemiştir. Tüm bu iç ve dış dinamiklerin tesiriyle yeni düzen arayışına giren Osmanlı Devleti, batıcılık ya da modernleşme adı altında bir dizi reform teşebbüslerinde bulunmuştur. Osmanlı Devleti’nde bu reform hareketlerine paralel olarak bir anayasa oluşturma düşüncesi de böylece ortaya çıkmıştır.</p><p>Bu çalışmada Osmanlının modern anlamda ilk anayasası olan Kanun-ı Esasi’nin oluşumuna kaynaklık eden iç ve dış dinamiklerin neler olduğu ve bunların tesirleri ortaya konulmaya çalışılmıştır.</p>


Author(s):  
Russell L. Hanson

Significant divisions exist in all societies and communities of any size. The expression of these divisions in politics takes many forms, one of them republican. The hallmark of republican politics is the subordination of different interests to the common weal, or what is in the interest of all citizens. To ensure this outcome, government in a republic can never be the exclusive preserve of one interest or social order; it must always be controlled jointly by representatives of all major groups in a society. The degree of control exercised by representatives of different social elements may not be equal, and different styles of government are compatible with republican objectives. However, all republican governments involve power-sharing in some way. Even in a democratic republic political majorities must share power with minorities for the common good to be realized. Maintaining an appropriate balance of political power is the chief problem of republicans. One or another faction may obtain control of government and use it to further its own interests, instead of the common weal. To prevent this republicans have developed a variety of strategies. Some rely on constitutional ‘checks and balances’ to cure the mischief of factionalism. Others seek to minimize factionalization itself by regulating the causes of faction – for example, the distribution of land and other forms of property. Still others promote civic religions in order to bind diverse people together. All these methods accept the inevitability of conflicting interests, and see the need to accommodate them politically. Hence, civic life is at the heart of republicanism.


2000 ◽  
Vol 28 (2) ◽  
pp. 11-33 ◽  
Author(s):  
Vedi R. Hadiz

AbstractDramatic changes occurring in Indonesia since the fall of Soeharto may suggest that a complete break has taken place with the system of power and social order that was nurtured under his rule. Indeed, Indonesia has entered a new phase in its history. However, the legacy of the New Order will continue to greatly influence Indonesia's post-Soeharto social and political trajectory. One of the major features of the New Order was a system of power which prohibited the emergence of effective lower-class based movements and organizations and one in which elites were insulated from lower-class pressure. This is very important to our understanding of the future course of democratic struggles in Indonesia.


Author(s):  
Hunter H. Gardner

This chapter addresses the tradition of plague writing in antiquity and outlines the innovations that Roman epic poets have made within the discourse. It observes a distinction between eyewitness accounts of plague and the relatively fictive representations of epidemic disease in Lucretius’ De Rerum Natura, Vergil’s Georgics, and Ovid’s Metamorphoses. The plague narrative experiences a revival in the late Roman Republic, prompting an investigation into the ideological work such narratives perform: why did the Romans of this period favor epidemic disease as a way of illustrating the collapse of the social order? How were epic accounts of plague informed not only by political rhetoric tethering the language of pestis (“plague”) to the chaos of the late Republic, but also by epidemic diseases discussed in medical writers, didactic treatises, and historical anecdotes? After identifying characteristics that accompany notices of “real” plague in the late Republic, the chapter examines twentieth-century theorists whose work addresses those characteristics: Artaud (1958), Foucault (2003), Sontag (1988), and Girard (1974). While no single theory explains the features of Latin plague, collectively these thinkers address bodily decay and liquefaction, the opportunities for state intervention in the context of an outbreak, and the friction between individual and collective concerns that define Roman treatments of epidemic disease. Perhaps most significantly, the work of these theorists underscores the alternatingly corrosive and purifying power of plague, which gestures toward a new order, while also dwelling on the aftermaths and remainders of the old.


Potentia ◽  
2020 ◽  
pp. 199-234
Author(s):  
Sandra Leonie Field

This chapter argues that in Spinoza’s philosophy, popular movements do not necessarily testify to an underlying popular power driving political life; nor is efficacious political power necessarily popular. First, it argues that a collectivity’s own proper power, its power sui juris, is not some underlying disposition waiting to be expressed, but rather is manifested in the actual effects it durably produces. Correspondingly, it is a mistake to take social movements challenging oligarchy as exemplars of the power of the people, unless and until they durably consolidate an egalitarian social order. Second, it argues that within Spinoza’s metaphysics, nonideal regimes may well endure, either due to the support of an external power, or from their own power, but where that power is internally structured in an oligarchic or repressive manner. In sum, Spinoza accepts Chapter 6’s first two Hobbesian problems, and acknowledges the all-too-common divergence between ethics and efficacy in politics.


Author(s):  
Chiedo Nwankwor

Women in precolonial Nigeria had a rich associational history, which provided a mobilizational platform for making and securing their demands during colonial rule. While patriarchal cultural practices and hierarchies imposed certain limitations on women relative to men, women nevertheless reached high political power and wielded significant influence in society. Relegated, however, by the subsequent colonial restructuring of indigenous social order and economically exploited by the pursuit of its economic imperative of benefit maximization, women protested their subjection using traditional associations and strategies of resistance and protest. This chapter argues that women’s critical role in national independence remains underappreciated and understudied until recently. Moreover, whereas women’s anticolonial protests and mobilization contributed significantly to the nationalist struggle, the gains of independence, which they jointly secured with men, continue to elude them. As such, women’s struggle for independence has continued against the postcolonial state’s instrumentalization of women’s oppression for power maintenance by rulers.


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