Performing Islamic Rituals in Non-Muslim Countries: Wedding Ceremony among Indonesian Muslims in The Netherlands

2019 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 47-61
Author(s):  
Irma Riyani
Keyword(s):  
Social Background ◽  
The State ◽  
Executive Power ◽  
Islamic State ◽  
Way Of Life ◽  
Social Rules ◽  
Muslim Countries ◽  
Wedding Ceremony ◽  
The One ◽  
The Relationship

This paper discusses how the Indonesian Sunni Muslim leader Abdurrahman Wahid and the Iranian Shiite Muslim leader Ayatollah Khomeini responded to the debate about the relationship between Islam and the state. Their responses impacted on the struggle of Indonesian and Iranian Muslims in considering the ideological basis of Indonesian and Iranian states. On the one hand, Wahid with his educational and social background and Indonesian political context rejected the concept of an Islamic state. He did not agree with the formalization of Islamic sharia. To implement his idea, he promoted the idea of Pribumisasi Islam. For Wahid, islamization was not arabization. Khomeini, on the other hand, believed that Islam is a religion that has complete laws and way of life including social rules. According to Khomeini, to effectively implement these rules, Muslims need to have executive power. In Khomeini’s view, when the Quran calls for Muslims to obey Allah, the messenger, and ulil amri, this means that Allah instructs Muslims to create an Islamic state. To realise his views, Khomeini proposed the doctrine of Velayat-e al Faqeeh. Thus, different religious-political contexts of these two leaders contributed to their different responses to the relationship between Islam and the state.

Sunni and Shiite Political Thought of Islam State Relationship: A Comparison between Abdurrahman Wahid of Indonesia and Ayatollah Khomeini of Iran

2019 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 27-45
Author(s):  
Ahmad Ali Nurdin ◽  
Ahmad Tholabi Kharlie
Keyword(s):  
Political Thought ◽  
Social Background ◽  
The State ◽  
Executive Power ◽  
Islamic State ◽  
Way Of Life ◽  
Social Rules ◽  
Ayatollah Khomeini ◽  
The One ◽  
The Relationship

This paper discusses how the Indonesian Sunni Muslim leader Abdurrahman Wahid and the Iranian Shiite Muslim leader Ayatollah Khomeini responded to the debate about the relationship between Islam and the state. Their responses impacted on the struggle of Indonesian and Iranian Muslims in considering the ideological basis of Indonesian and Iranian states. On the one hand, Wahid with his educational and social background and Indonesian political context rejected the concept of an Islamic state. He did not agree with the formalization of Islamic sharia. To implement his idea, he promoted the idea of Pribumisasi Islam. For Wahid, islamization was not arabization. Khomeini, on the other hand, believed that Islam is a religion that has complete laws and way of life including social rules. According to Khomeini, to effectively implement these rules, Muslims need to have executive power. In Khomeini’s view, when the Quran calls for Muslims to obey Allah, the messenger, and ulil amri, this means that Allah instructs Muslims to create an Islamic state. To realise his views, Khomeini proposed the doctrine of Velayat-e al Faqeeh. Thus, different religious-political contexts of these two leaders contributed to their different responses to the relationship between Islam and the state.

scholarly journals DEBATE OF ISLAM AND COUNTRIES IN THE CONSTITUANTE BOARD, 1956-1959

2019 ◽  
Vol 2 ◽  
pp. 155-174
Author(s):  
Heri Herdiawanto ◽  
Valina Singka Subekti
Keyword(s):  
Research Method ◽  
Islamic Law ◽  
Secondary Data ◽  
The State ◽  
Islamic State ◽  
Basic Group ◽  
Constituent Assembly ◽  
Library Research ◽  
The One ◽  
The Relationship

This study examines Hamka's political thinking about Islam and the State in the Basic State debate that took place in the Constituent Assembly 1956-1959. Hamka belongs to the basic group of defenders of the Islamic state with Mohammad Natsir in the Masyumi faction, fighting for Islamic law before other factions namely the Nationalists, Communists, Socialists, Catholics-Protestants and members of the Constituent Assembly who are not fractured. Specifically examines the issue of why Islam is fought for as a state basis by Hamka. and how Hamka thought about the relationship between Islam and the state. The research method used is a type of library research with literature studies or documents consisting of primary and secondary data and reinforced by interviews. The theory used in this study is the theory of religious relations (Islam) and the state. This study found the first, according to Hamka, the Islamic struggle as the basis of the state was as a continuation of the historical ideals of the Indonesian national movement. The second was found that the constituent debate was the repetition of Islamic and nationalist ideological debates in the formulation of the Jakarta Charter. Third, this study also found Hamka's view that the One and Only God Almighty means Tauhid or the concept of the Essence of Allah SWT. The implication of this research theory is to strengthen Islamic thinking legally formally, that is thinking that requires Islam formally plays a major role in state life. The conclusion is that Indonesian society is a heterogeneous society in terms of religion. This means that constitutionally the state recognizes the diversity of religions embraced by the Indonesian people and guarantees the freedom of every individual to embrace religion and realize the teachings he believes in all aspects of life. Hamka in the Constituent Assembly stated that the struggle to establish a state based on Islam rather than a secular state for Islamic groups was a continuation of the ideals of historical will.

scholarly journals Revisiting discourse on Islam and state relation in Indonesia: the view of Soekarno, Natsir and Nurcholish Madjid

2016 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 63 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ahmad Ali Nurdin
Keyword(s):  
Political Islam ◽  
The State ◽  
The Other ◽  
Islamic State ◽  
Way Of Life ◽  
Legal Relationship ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
The One ◽  
Secular State

This paper focuses on debates between Soekarno, Natsir and Nurcholish Madjid to whether Indonesian state should be based on Islam ideologically or not. Soekarno, was in favor of the separation between Islam and state and against the idea of a formal-legal relationship between them. In Soekarno’s belief, by separating religion from the state, it does not mean that Islamic teachings are automatically marginalized. Natsir argued against Soekarno’s idea that Islam should be separated from the state. Natsir believed that Islam is a way of life in which it not only guides Muslim peoples on ritual matter but also on worldly matters including how to manage a state. Madjid seems to propose the middle path between Soekarno and Natsir in his struggle to ‘Islamize’ Indonesia. On the one hand, Madjid opposes the idea of making Indonesia an Islamic state, and on the other hand, Madjid also refuses that Indonesian become totally a secular state. Madjid tried to develop a new format for political Islam in which substance, rather than form, serves as his primary orientations. Kajian ini berfokus pada perdebatan antara Soekarno, Natsir dan Nurcholish Madjid tentang apakah negara Indonesia harus didasarkan pada Islam ideologis atau tidak. Soekarno adalah pendukung pemisahan antara Islam dan negara dan menentang gagasan hubungan formal-legal antara keduanya. Dalam keyakinan Soekarno, dengan memisahkan agama dari negara, itu tidak berarti bahwa ajaran Islam secara otomatis terpinggirkan. Natsir menentang gagasan Soekarno bahwa Islam harus dipisahkan dari negara. Natsir percaya bahwa Islam adalah cara hidup yang tidak hanya membimbing masyarakat Muslim tentang masalah ritual tetapi juga pada hal-hal duniawi termasuk bagaimana mengelola negara. Madjid tampaknya mengusulkan jalan tengah antara Soekarno dan Natsir dalam perjuangan untuk ‘mengislamkan’ Indonesia. Di satu sisi, Madjid menentang ide menciptakan Indonesia sebagai negara Islam, dan di sisi lain, Madjid juga menolak bahwa Indonesia menjadi benar-benar sebuah negara sekuler. Madjid mencoba untuk mengembangkan format baru bagi Islam politik di mana substansi, bukan bentuk, berfungsi sebagai orientasi utamanya.

GAGASAN PEMIKIRAN DAN GERAKAN DAKWAH M. NATSIR DI INDONESIA

1970 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 284-295
Author(s):  
Muridan Muridan
Keyword(s):  
Boarding School ◽  
Religious Discourse ◽  
The State ◽  
Islamic State ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Islamic Values

M. Natsir was one of the most prominent figures in religious discourse and movement in Indonesia. He was ada’wa reformer as well as a politician and a statesman.His most well known ideas were about the relationship between Islamand state, Islam and Pancasila, and his idea on da’wa. He stated that a country would be Islamic because of neither itsformal name as an Islamic state nor its Islamic state principles. The principles of the state could be generally formulated aslong as they referred to the Islamic values. Natsir also stated that the essence of Pancasila didn’t contradict with Islam; evensome parts of it went after the goals of Islam. However, it didn’t mean that Pancasila was identical with Islam. In relation toda’wa, he stated that it should be the responsibility of all Muslims, not only the responsibility of kiai or ulama. To make a da’wamovement successful, he suggested that it needed three integrated components; masjid, Islamic boarding school, andcampus.

Gagasan Pemikiran dan Gerakan Dakwah M. Natsir di Indonesia

1970 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 63-74
Author(s):  
Muridan Muridan
Keyword(s):  
Boarding School ◽  
Religious Discourse ◽  
The State ◽  
Islamic State ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Islamic Values

M. Natsir was one of the most prominent figures in religious discourse and movement in Indonesia. He was ada’wa reformer as well as a politician and a statesman. His most well known ideas were about the relationship between Islamand state, Islam and Pancasila, and his idea on da’wa. He stated that a country would be Islamic because of neither itsformal name as an Islamic state nor its Islamic state principles. The principles of the state could be generally formulated aslong as they referred to the Islamic values. Natsir also stated that the essence of Pancasila didn’t contradict with Islam; evensome parts of it went after the goals of Islam. However, it didn’t mean that Pancasila was identical with Islam. In relation toda’wa, he stated that it should be the responsibility of all Muslims, not only the responsibility of kyai or ulama. To make ada’wamovement successful, he suggested that it needed three integrated components; masjid, Islamic boarding school, andcampus.

Bastard Feudalism and the Framing of Thirteenth-Century England

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter Coss
Keyword(s):  
Middle Ages ◽  
Thirteenth Century ◽  
Twelfth Century ◽  
The State ◽  
The Other ◽  
Great Work ◽  
Early Middle Ages ◽  
The One ◽  
The Relationship

In the introduction to his great work of 2005, Framing the Early Middle Ages, Chris Wickham urged not only the necessity of carefully framing our studies at the outset but also the importance of closely defining the words and concepts that we employ, the avoidance ‘cultural sollipsism’ wherever possible and the need to pay particular attention to continuities and discontinuities. Chris has, of course, followed these precepts on a vast scale. My aim in this chapter is a modest one. I aim to review the framing of thirteenth-century England in terms of two only of Chris’s themes: the aristocracy and the state—and even then primarily in terms of the relationship between the two. By the thirteenth century I mean a long thirteenth century stretching from the period of the Angevin reforms of the later twelfth century on the one hand to the early to mid-fourteenth on the other; the reasons for taking this span will, I hope, become clearer during the course of the chapter, but few would doubt that it has a validity.

scholarly journals Data assimilation in Agent-based models using creation and annihilation operators

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Daniel Tang
Keyword(s):  
Real World ◽  
Null Model ◽  
The State ◽  
Actual State ◽  
Agent Based Models ◽  
Agent Based ◽  
Predator Prey ◽  
Predator Prey Model ◽  
The One ◽  
The Relationship

Agent-based models are a powerful tool for studying the behaviour of complex systems that can be described in terms of multiple, interacting ``agents''. However, because of their inherently discrete and often highly non-linear nature, it is very difficult to reason about the relationship between the state of the model, on the one hand, and our observations of the real world on the other. In this paper we consider agents that have a discrete set of states that, at any instant, act with a probability that may depend on the environment or the state of other agents. Given this, we show how the mathematical apparatus of quantum field theory can be used to reason probabilistically about the state and dynamics the model, and describe an algorithm to update our belief in the state of the model in the light of new, real-world observations. Using a simple predator-prey model on a 2-dimensional spatial grid as an example, we demonstrate the assimilation of incomplete, noisy observations and show that this leads to an increase in the mutual information between the actual state of the observed system and the posterior distribution given the observations, when compared to a null model.

scholarly journals The Left and the Church in Greece: The ambiguity of political and religious domain relationships

2017 ◽  
Vol 20 ◽  
pp. 103-134
Author(s):  
Niki Papageorgiou
Keyword(s):  
The State ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Government Power ◽  
Full Independence ◽  
Leftist Party ◽  
New Policies ◽  
One Year ◽  
The One ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
The Church

The occupation of government power by a leftist party in Greece (in January 2015) has formed a new political landscape and given rise to new political expectations after a long period of administration by the so-called system parties. The left-wing party, SYRIZA, was voted by Greek citizens as a new political force that could bring new policies, as it had the ambition to solve the country’s economic problems, bring social justice and tackle the severe humanitarian crisis caused by the recent long economic crisis. Regarding the religious field, the fixed aim of leftist parties was the separation between the State and the Church, which would lead to the full independence of the State from any religious or ecclesiastical influence, as well as the seizure of church assets by the State, the obligation for the clergy’s payroll to be covered by the Church, and similar demands regarding many other issues that shape the relationship between the State and the Church in Greece. This paper investigates especially the relationship between SYRIZA and the Church of Greece during the one-year period of the left-wing government, through the official discourse and political practices of the governing leftist party. For this purpose, the left-wing government’s political practices and stance towards the “religious issue,” as they are expressed by the party’s official press medium, the Avgi newspaper, are analyzed.

scholarly journals Evolution of the Concept of Citizenship in the Islamic Thought: An Analysis

2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 121-141
Author(s):  
Osama Sami AL-Nsour
Keyword(s):  
The State ◽  
The Past ◽  
Islamic Thought ◽  
State And Society ◽  
The Government ◽  
The One ◽  
The Individual ◽  
Islamic Civilization ◽  
Political Economic ◽  
The Relationship

The concept of citizenship is one of the pillars upon which the modern civil state was built. The concept of citizenship can be considered as the basic guarantee for both the government and individuals to clarify the relationship between them, since under this right individuals can acquire and apply their rights freely and also based on this right the state can regulate how society members perform the duties imposed on them, which will contributes to the development of the state and society .The term citizenship has been used in a wider perspective, itimplies the nationality of the State where the citizen obtains his civil, political, economic, social, cultural and religious rights and is free to exercise these rights in accordance with the Constitution of the State and the laws governing thereof and without prejudice to the interest. In return, he has an obligation to perform duties vis-à-vis the state so that the state can give him his rights that have been agreed and contracted.This paper seeks to explore firstly, the modern connotation of citizenship where it is based on the idea of rights and duties. Thus the modern ideal of citizenship is based on the relationship between the individual and the state. The Islamic civilization was spanned over fourteen centuries and there were certain laws and regulations governing the relationship between the citizens and the state, this research will try to discover the main differences between the classical concept of citizenship and the modern one, also this research will show us the results of this change in this concept . The research concludes that the new concept of citizenship is correct one and the one that can fit to our contemporary life and the past concept was appropriate for their time but the changes in the world force us to apply and to rethink again about this concept.

scholarly journals Moving Toward Neo-Totalitarianism: A Political-Sociological Analysis of the Evolution of Administrative Absorption of Society in China

2018 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Xiaoguang Kang
Keyword(s):  
Nonprofit Organizations ◽  
Nonprofit Sector ◽  
The State ◽  
The Other ◽  
Sociological Analysis ◽  
State Capitalism ◽  
Laws And Policies ◽  
The One ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Three Phases

AbstractChina recently promulgated and revised a number of laws, regulations and measures to regulate the nonprofit sector. All these administrative efforts increase support for Chinese nonprofit organizations (NPOs) on the one hand and put unprecedented pressure on them on the other. The seemingly contradictory effects are actually based on the same logic of Administrative Absorption of Society (AAS). This article proposes three phases in the development of AAS: an subconscious phase, a theory-modeling phase, and an institutionalization phase. The institutionalization of AAS has led to the rise of neo-totalitarianism, which is featured by state capitalism, unlimited government, and a mixed ideology of Marxism and Confucianism. Neo-totalitarianism further strengthens AAS and has begun to reshape the relationship between the state and the nonprofit sector. This article analyzes China’s nonprofit policymaking from a sociopolitical perspective, and clarifies the context, the characteristics, and the evolution of laws and policies in the nonprofit sector in macrocosm.

Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document