Tudeh Party and North Oil Score

The Soviet Union and before that, Russia as one of the most powerful neighbors of Iran in history, despite its abundance of oil resources always looked at Iran's oil resources for specific purposes. In examining the impact of oil on the relations between the two countries of Iran and Russia, it turns out that they were trying to reach the Iranian oil resources in some cases, one in 1299/1921and the other in 1920/1941. At the time of Iran's occupation of the Second World War, the Russians, though at every turn did not succeed in their goals, during the occupation of Iran in September 1941 by the Allies they used all the necessary tools. For example, they used the Tudeh Party, the first and most organized Leftist party in Iran, to achieve its oil targets. At this stage, the Russian Foreign Ministry Deputy Foreign Minister, Sergey Kavtaradze came to Iran and formally requested for a license to exploit North Oil. The Tudeh Party, while previously opposed to any transfer of privilege to foreigners, when the Soviet Union- their spiritual and co-professional supporters came out, by providing the Balance Scheme they granted the southern oil share to the British and the North Sea's privilege to the Soviet Union. Because the American companies were set to exploit the oil scorecard in northern Iran, immediately the Soviet Union entered the scene and the Tudeh party also met with them. This oil demand was rejected by the Iranian parliament and the Iranian government opposed any new privilege because of the prevalence of war conditions in the world. In this context, the efforts of the Tudeh Party to satisfy the Iranian government and parliament in order to agree with the Soviet demand for oil in their own way can be considered.

Old Friends in New Times: Progressive Parties and Union Movements in the Southern Cone

An analysis of the course of relations between union movements and left parties in four Southern Cone countries shows that, while in Uruguay and Argentina the progressive parties were able to maintain alliances with union actors and empower them, in Brazil and Chile left parties and unions experienced conflicts that hindered the formation of alliances. In the four countries studied, two variables had a strong influence on the possibilities for forming and maintaining a coalition among unions and parties: the electoral strategy of the leftist party and union fragmentation. Un análisis del curso de las relaciones entre los movimientos sindicales y los partidos de izquierda en cuatro países del Cono Sur muestra que, mientras que en Uruguay y Argentina los partidos progresistas pudieron mantener alianzas con los actores sindicales y empoderarlos, en Brasil y Chile los partidos y sindicatos izquierdistas experimentaron conflictos que obstaculizaron la formación de alianzas. En los casos de los cuatro países analizados, dos variables influyeron fuertemente las posibilidades de formar y mantener una coalición entre sindicatos y partidos: la estrategia electoral de los partidos de izquierda y la fragmentación sindical.

New phenomena and trends in Chilean politics

The article analyzes new phenomena and trends in Chilean politics, the results of the first period of activity of the center-right government ofS. Pinera, who came to power in 2018. The main attention is paid to the analysis of contradictory initiatives of the government aimed at increasing economic efficiency at the expense of social expectations. It is noted that the greatest risks are associated with the deepening crisis in relations between the government and society, the activation of the radical protest movement caused by the unsuccessful attempt to raise prices for the subway. This measure led to mass youth protests in October 2019, clashes with police and the imposition of a state of emergency, which was accompanied by an appeal of the government to help of the army. The result of the severe political crisis was the resignation of the Cabinet and the announcement of a new package of social reforms. Among the new political phenomena, the author also highlights the decline of traditional center-left, the collapse of the coalition New majority, the beginning of the institutionalization of leftist party alternative to the official center-left, and strengthening the ultra-conservative wing on the right flank.

The Governing Left in Uruguay (2005–2015): A Participatory Democratic Experiment

An account of the first 10 years of government of a leftist party in Uruguay—the Frente Amplio—focusing on a mode of designing public policies that prioritized participation by civil society organizations suggests that this strategy distinguishes it from the preceding traditional party administrations and challenges the “liberal-democratic” label assigned to it by some of the high-profile specialized literature. Este análisis de los primeros diez años de gobierno de un partido de izquierda—el Frente Amplio—en Uruguay, hace foco en una modalidad de construcción de las políticas públicas que incorporó de manera jerarquizada la participación de la sociedad civil. Se argumenta que representa una estrategia alternativa a la desarrollada por los gobiernos de centro-derecha que le precedieron, que no encaja bien en la categoría “liberal democrática” en la que la sitúa parte de la literatura especializada.

The Perils of Reconciliation: Achievements and Challenges of Daniel Ortega and the Modern FSLN

Against the background of unprecedented levels of support and popularity since recovering power, the experience of the Frente Sandinista de Liberación Nacional (FSLN) shows that alliances unorthodox for a leftist party have rendered electoral results at the cost of putting more profound structural transformations on hold. Ten years after its electoral comeback, the FSLN has a lot to show for itself, largely because of the stable climate attributable to its decision to make peace with its historical foes. At the same time, its efforts at empowering the citizenry have been limited at best. Entrenched in the wealth of political capital it has accumulated, it is in a good position to take calculated risks in favor of bold redistributive policies. Not taking more daring steps toward the socialist transformation of society at this juncture could in due time cost it its role as articulator of the leftist agenda in Nicaragua. En un contexto de niveles de apoyo y popularidad sin precedentes desde la recuperación del poder, la experiencia del Frente Sandinista de Liberación Nacional (FSLN) muestra que alianzas heterodoxas para un partido de izquierda han dado resultados electorales a costa de detener transformaciones estructurales más profundas. Diez años después de su regreso electoral, el FSLN tiene muchos logros que mostrar, en gran parte debido al clima estable atribuible a su decisión de hacer las paces con sus enemigos históricos. Al mismo tiempo, sus esfuerzos para empoderar a la ciudadanía han sido limitados en el mejor de los casos. Afirmado en la abundancia de capital político que ha acumulado, se encuentra en una buena posición para tomar riesgos calculados a favor de políticas redistributivas audaces. No dar pasos más audaces hacia la transformación socialista de la sociedad en esta coyuntura podría, a su debido tiempo, costarle su papel como articulador de la agenda izquierdista en Nicaragua.

Plurality

Plurality was disadvantageous in five of the six plurality countries. In Venezuela, a long-standing duopoly broke down in 1993; in 1998, after decades of political exclusion, the extreme leftist Hugo Chávez was elected, and his continuation in power was facilitated by problems of strategic coordination under plurality. In Nicaragua, the Liberal Party divided in 2006, enabling the victory of the extreme leftist Daniel Ortega. In both Mexico and Paraguay, long-standing parties were cartel parties that exploited the difficulties of strategic coordination by the opposition. In Honduras, a duopoly died from within, when a Liberal president shifted left; in 2013, elites worried about a plurality victory for a candidate they feared was at the extreme left. Only in Panama, where the number of parties was larger and a new, leftist party did not emerge, was plurality not fraught.

The Left and the Church in Greece: The ambiguity of political and religious domain relationships

The occupation of government power by a leftist party in Greece (in January 2015) has formed a new political landscape and given rise to new political expectations after a long period of administration by the so-called system parties. The left-wing party, SYRIZA, was voted by Greek citizens as a new political force that could bring new policies, as it had the ambition to solve the country’s economic problems, bring social justice and tackle the severe humanitarian crisis caused by the recent long economic crisis. Regarding the religious field, the fixed aim of leftist parties was the separation between the State and the Church, which would lead to the full independence of the State from any religious or ecclesiastical influence, as well as the seizure of church assets by the State, the obligation for the clergy’s payroll to be covered by the Church, and similar demands regarding many other issues that shape the relationship between the State and the Church in Greece. This paper investigates especially the relationship between SYRIZA and the Church of Greece during the one-year period of the left-wing government, through the official discourse and political practices of the governing leftist party. For this purpose, the left-wing government’s political practices and stance towards the “religious issue,” as they are expressed by the party’s official press medium, the Avgi newspaper, are analyzed.

Lopez Obrador is the man to beat in Mexico in 2018

Significance Preliminary results of the elections held on June 4 in four states indicate that President Enrique Pena Nieto’s Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI) narrowly retained the key State of Mexico. In Coahuila state, the PRI appears to have narrowly defeated the conservative National Action Party (PAN), which won the governorship of Nayarit state comfortably, in coalition with the leftist Party of the Democratic Revolution (PRD). Veracruz state -- which only elected municipal authorities -- saw a significant expansion of non-PRI mayors elected, though only three were independents. Impacts The PAN and PRD may struggle to be competitive alone in 2018 vis-a-vis the PRI machinery or Morena’s outsider appeal. The PRD has yet to decide whether to continue its alliance with the PAN or seek a coalition with Morena ahead of 2018. The failure of independents to perform strongly in these elections suggest that they are unlikely to be competitive ahead of 2018.