scholarly journals Legenda Piotra Skargi w świetle galicyjskiej prasy doby autonomicznej

2021 ◽  
Vol 7 ◽  
pp. 287-299
Author(s):  
Elżbieta Biesiadecka ◽  

The article deals with two positive visions of Piotr Skarga (as an important figure in the national history) created in literature: romantic and positivist ones, and their impact on journalism. The interest in his figure on the part of the Galician press took place on the occasion of the 300th anniversary of the priest’s death and the organization of Skarga Congress in Kraków. The analyzed magazines, regardless of their political affinities, considered and assessed various aspects of Skarga’s activity: political, religious, social and literary-linguistic ones. The presentation of the characters often reflected the socio-political views of the press circles.

2019 ◽  
Vol 60 ◽  
pp. 165-170
Author(s):  
Aleksey V.  Lomonosov

The article reveals the social significance of determining the political views of V.V. Rozanov in the system of the thinker’s worldview. The correlation of these views with his political journalism is shown. The genesis of social and political ideas of V.V. Rozanov is revealed. The author specifies his ideological predecessors in the sphere of public thought of the late 19th century and the thinker’s affiliation with the conservative political camp of Russian writers. The author of the article also gives coverage of the V.V. Rozanov’s polemical publications in the press. He outlines the circle of political sympathies and determinative constants in the political views of Rozanov-publicist and proves his commitment to the centrist political parties. The author examines the process of Rozanov’s socio-political views evolution at the turn of the 19th–20th centuries, and the related changes in his political journalism. The evaluations are based on the large layer of Rozanov’s newspaper publicism in the years of 1905–1917. To determine the Rozanov’s position in the “New time” journal editorial office and to reveal the motives of his political essays the author of the article used epistola


Knygotyra ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 72 ◽  
pp. 206-232
Author(s):  
Remigijus Misiūnas

The Lithuanian national movement of the 19th c. had mostly manifested itself in the literature, which, under the Lithuanian press ban, was being published both in East Prussia and in Lithuanian communities in the United States, and which was being distributed likewise in Lithuania, East Prussia, and the United States. That same time period saw the forming of a new system designed to inform readers of new releases, which was utilized to help any members of the Lithuanian diaspora to keep updated on the newest literature affairs. This system had encompassed the press of both East Prussia and the United States, and it would inform the readers of the newest publications both from the location of where the newspaper was being released and about the new books and periodicals that were being published in foreign countries; thus, it had created a reflection of Lithuanian literature as a whole. The aim of this article is to analyze the circumstances surrounding the informing of readers about the newest publications as it had occurred in the American Lithuanian press up to 1904; main focus is paid here to the information regarding Lithuanian and Lithuanistic publications released in East Prussia and elsewhere in Europe. The basis of this study is a list of 322 Lithuanian and Lithuanistic publications released in Europe; the list itself took shape after overviewing 11 Lithuanian newspapers published in the United States. The 322 publications had been distributed in Lithuanian communities in the United States and were announced by the local Lithuanian press.This study has showed that the first announcements about the new books appeared in the US Lithuanian press in the late 1890s, and in the early 20th c., designated columns for publishing news became an ordinary practice. Unfortunately, a lack of authors capable of writing critical reviews of the new publications forced the émigré press to be content with mostly annotations and very laconic commentaries about the pros and cons of new publications. The fact that announcements were made about books (mostly publications released in Europe) that were not part of the American salespeople’s repertoire allows us to believe that the editorial boards of the newspapers behaved thus acting upon the informational mission of their newspapers, their societal role, and in seeking to support the national movement and the dissemination of its ideas as well as the mission of its consolidation. In evaluating the repertoire of the introduced publications, we may speak not only of the dissemination of information on these works but also of a particular perspective that the editorial boards of these periodicals had and which was based on a particular set of values. Attention is paid to Lithuanian literature, its growth and place in the society of that time, and how it matches the needs of the readers. The introduced literature repertoire was dominated by secular works that had reflected the growth of Lithuanian literature and answered the demands of education. The books were oftentimes evaluated first and foremost based on the aspect of how much practical information could they provide – this had to do with the restricted possibilities of Lithuanian education; for example, the amount of information these works could give on the topics of farming, medicine, craftsmanship, and the natural sciences was an important aspect. With time, more attention began to be paid to societal-political literature, which was associated to the dissemination of the ideologies of those times, and Lithuanistic works written by foreign (not Lithuanian) authors. The works were also increasingly evaluated based on the political views of the editorial boards, which had also determined the fact that the readers were urged to buy some books while others were introduced as no good. Yet at the same time it may be observed that attention was being paid to publishing culture, the linguistic aspects especially, prompted by the changes that were happening in written Lithuanian. Attempts were made to limit the distribution of books that had not met the standards of the written languages; however, owing to the poorness of literature, the practical value of the book was of the most importance. The perspective regarding the importance of some books can also be seen based on how many newspapers had referenced those books in their news and how well were these works met. In understanding that the system designed to inform the readership of the books did not meet the standards of even its contemporaries, it must still be said that during those times, a tradition had taken shape to introduce publishing news in the periodicals. This tradition was developed and perfected during later times, but its proper evaluation would require the continuation of its study.


2021 ◽  
Vol 4 ◽  
pp. 65-72
Author(s):  
Tetiana Banakh

The article analyzes the first public discussions of the last decade of the 20th century about mass murders of Polish population in Volhynia in 1943. The author explores the emergence of the topic of “Volhynia” in the public space and Polish-Ukrainian historical debates about these mass murders in the 1990s. The research is based on the published sources and interviews with the participants in the Polish-Ukrainian dialog. The article focuses on the first mentions of the Volhynian events in the post-communist period, on the way this issue was discussed at seminars of Polish and Ukrainian historians, and in the leading Polish newspapers “Gazeta Wyborcza” and “Rzeczpospolita”. Particular attention is paid to the discussion about the mass murders in the “Gazeta Wyborcza” in 1995. The Volhynian issue appeared in the public space after almost fifty years of silence initiated from the Polish “kres” and veteran circles which represented the victims of the mass murders. This topic was arousing interest gradually. It did not immediately take a lead- ing place in Polish-Ukrainian historical debates. In the 1990s, the discussion about “Volhynia” took place primarily between historians and within the groups to which this topic was important. There was only one discussion about the Volhynian events in the press, namely in the “Gazeta Wyborcza”. This newspaper, which appeared as an organ of Solidarity, pays attention especially to the relationship between Poland and its neighbours, particularly Ukraine. In the Ukrainian central media, the Volhynian issue remained completely without attention. Although the debates about “Volhynia” were not actively conducted in the 1990s, certain tendencies were established during this period, which remained characteristic in the following years. In Poland, these events were perceived as one of the most traumatic episodes of the national history, so it was the Polish side who initiated the discussions about this topic. The Ukrainian side was forced to respond to these initiatives.


Author(s):  
Simon Waldman ◽  
Emre Caliskan

The Turkey of today little resembles that of recent decades. Its economy has expanded, new political elites have emerged, and the once powerful Kemalist military is no longer a potent and dominant political player. Meanwhile, new prosperity has had many unexpected social and political repercussions, pre-eminent among which is the advent of the Justice and Development Party (AKP), which first came to power in 2002 by downplaying its Islamist leanings and marketing itself as a center-right party. After several terms in office, and amid unprecedented popularity, the conduct of the AKP and its leading cadres has faced growing criticism. Turkey has yet to solve its Kurdish question, and its foreign policy is increasingly under threat as it balances relations with Iran, Israel, Iraq, Russia and the Kurds, to name only a few of its more demanding interlocutors. Widespread domestic protests gripped the country in 2013. The government is now perceived by many to be corrupt, unaccountable, intimidating of the press and intolerant of alternative political views and criticism. Has this once promising democracy descended into a tyranny of the majority led by a charismatic leader, Recep Tayyip Erdogan? Is Turkey more polarized now than ever in its recent history? These are among the questions posed in this timely primer on a rising economic power.


Author(s):  
A.A. Leontieva

The article is devoted to the specifics of the development of periodicals in the Ural in 1905-1907. With the emergence of the revolutionary movement in all layers of Russian society, there was a need for knowledge and coverage of the path along which the Fatherland should go to its revival. To fulfill this need, all kinds of periodicals appeared, which put forward different political programs, adhered to different political views and made numerous demands in the construction of national and provincial life. Provincial press followed the capital, tried to reprint for readers the most interesting materials. The study of such literature helps to reveal the struggle of political parties for the masses, to identify the main directions of propaganda and agitation of various political factions, to follow the tense and turbulent internal party life. In the periodical press of the Ural events of the all-Russian and local character were covered. The press was a powerful social institution with extensive experience in publishing newspapers, pamphlets, leaflets of various political bodies and associations. The seal as a mirror, reflected in itself surrounding reality, as echo responded to current events.


2019 ◽  
Vol 10 (5) ◽  
pp. 28
Author(s):  
Rouhollah Ghassemi ◽  
Zahra Hemmatgosha

In any society there is a link between social-intellectual (ideological) views and discursive structures in media. Therefore, it is possible to discover this relationship by clarifying appropriate discursive remedies in text analysis and eventually determining how it is and its application. Some journalists are very skillful in literature, their discussion talent and their ability to manipulate the language result in complexity in language form and also in semantic features. Many fundamental factors are involved in production and comprehension of the press texts. The main objective of the current study is to investigate some of these factors such as powers relations in the society and also political and ideological institutions in press texts. Applying a discourse analysis approach and considering news theories, this study tries to analyze French press texts and explore the ways information is transferred to the addressees through word selection. The findings of this study indicate that mass media (and newspapers) are tools for expanding the ideology in the society because, facing the same issue, they take different positions according to their interests. The investigation of how this information is transferred is possible through discourse analysis. We try to show how French express media manipulate public opinion by using different vocabularies.


2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nick Papazian

Does increased consumption of media affect how the public views the institutions of government and media? This study analyzes the relationships between time spent consuming television and Internet, where a respondent gets their news from (television vs. Internet), and confidence in these institutions. I predict an inverse relationship between exposure to television and Internet and confidence in media and government. I further hypothesize that people who get their news primarily from the Internet have less confidence in these institutions than those who get their news from television. I test this relationship using a sample of 370 respondents from the 2016 General Social Survey (GSS) dataset, controlling for race, gender, political views, education, respondents' family income at the age of 16, and age. OLS regression analysis shows that more hours spent watching television positively impacts confidence in media, and that those who get their news from the Internet have less confidence in the media, as do conservatives, regardless of media consumption. No independent variables determine confidence in government, which is only associated negatively with being conservative. A second regression model using confidence in press instead of media shows that females are significantly less likely to trust the press and that people of color are significantly more likely to trust the press. The relationships from the first model retained their significance. This model shows a higher significance level for the conservative relationship. These differences are discussed along with recommendations for further research.


1999 ◽  
Vol 33 (3) ◽  
pp. 551-579
Author(s):  
Duncan McCargo

Although the Thai electronic media remain subject to considerable state control, newspapers in Thailand have gained some latitude to report and comment on political developments. The Thai press is one of the freest and most outspoken in Pacific Asia. In particular, the Thai language press frequently engages in antagonistic exchanges with political office-holders, and has often been credited with contributing to major upheavals. Most recently, the press was involved in the downfall of the Democrat-led government coalition over a land reform scandal in May 1995. Traditionally, however, Thai newspapers have been regarded as platforms for articulating the political views of their owners. Politicians have typically cultivated close personal ties to newspaper editors and columnists in order to further their own objectives. In recent years, the character of some Thai newspapers has changed. Whereas old-style newspapers such as Thai Rath and Daily News remain private family companies, newspapers such as Matichon, Phujatkarn, and Siam Post are part of larger corporate entities.


1994 ◽  
Vol 45 (1) ◽  
pp. 59-91
Author(s):  
Vagn Wåhlin

Grundtvig in Politic until 1830-1831By Vagn WåhlinVagn Wåhlin discusses the Grundtvig text, .Political Considerations., re-printed above, which was written in the year of the 1930 revolution. In the Danish United Monarchy the European revolutions gave rise to a demand for a wider citizen participation in politics through parliamentary institutions and a demand for a solution to the national problem of the position of Schleswig between the Kingdom and Holstein. In addition, the debate led to a discussion of and a demand for an extension of the civil rights, including in particular a specification of the character and extent of the freedom of the press. The present article discusses Grundtvig’s treatment of these and other political subjects in the pamphlet mentioned.In the article, the concept of politics is defined as the attempt by an individual or a group to influence the authoritative distribution of the material and spiritual wealth of the society, a definition that comes close to Grundtvig’s own view. The article does not intend an exhaustive account of Grundtvig’s political views, but aims to show how Grundtvig’s attitude in a number of earlier writings has emerged through his occupation with current events and considerable social philosophers. The decisive thing for Grundtvig, before and especially around and after the time of the pamphlet discussed here, was to present and promote a form of government, on a historical and pragmatic basis, for the benefit and welfare of the whole people, where freedom and power balanced each other, where the rulers were responsive to the voice of an enlightened citizenry, and where confidence, love and responsibility rather than selfishness prevailed among the members of the society and determined the purposeful actions of the whole people - all under Divine Providence. It is pointed out how Grundtvig takes account of the character of the Danish society as an agrarian society by emphasizing the peasantry as ideally the fundamental and stabilizing element in the state. Consequently Grundtvig stresses the primary production as the foundation of society, structured through the mutual love in freedom and the folk culture of the people - traits common to the nation - as the basis of the interaction of the citizens and hence the balance between their equality and freedom. Grundtvig doubts the general possibility or desirability of equality, and is of the opinion that inequality is a natural condition of life, but that this condition is counterbalanced by the mutual fellow feeling of the citizens. Grundtvig uses the social pact idea in his definition of the distribution of power between the consultative function of the people, expressing the general will of the public, and the executive power of the King. The consultative power of the citizens finds its expression through the public media, dependent on freedom of the press, and Grundtvig brings up the concrete proposal that the Schleswig question should be solved by letting the Schleswigers give expression to the general public will in the public press. Grundtvig defends the right of the citizens to revolt the moment their rights, for example their right of property, are violated, but he dissociates himself from revolutions which, in his opinion, lead to tyranny, the opposite of freedom. The article explains how trust in God’s Providence together with love is the condition of the King’s and the people’s trust in the viability of the above-mentioned relationship. Grundtvig’s political views have their foundation in his emphasis on the importance of Christianity for the universal-historical development and for a people’s fulfillment of its own destiny in it.


1981 ◽  
Vol 36 (5) ◽  
pp. 480-487 ◽  
Author(s):  
Russell H. Weigel ◽  
Jeffrey J. Pappas
Keyword(s):  

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