Elected Without Buying Vote: Woman Candidate, Canvassing, and Programmatic Campaign in the 2019 Local Legislative Election

2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 73-87
Author(s):  
Noor Rohman ◽  
Holilah Holilah

Although extensive studies have been carried out on women candidates in the Indonesia election, no specific attention discusses elected women candidates without relying on vote-buying. This paper seeks to explain how and to what extend the winning strategy of a woman candidate elected with limited financial resources. We argue that door to door canvassing and programmatic campaign through social media are a crucial alternative strategy for a woman candidate to mobilize voters. The argument builds based on the case study of an elected woman candidate from the Indonesian Solidarity Party at district 10 of the Jakarta provincial parliament. This article shows that a woman candidate prioritized personal communication with voters directly and policy program campaign as a central winning strategy. There is a more optimistic story about an elected woman candidate in the local legislative election when compared to previous studies. Our findings confirm that a woman candidate could secure the parliament seat without relying on vote-buying, political dynasty, and male power.

2020 ◽  
Vol 71 (b) ◽  
pp. 116-143
Author(s):  
Fernanda Lima-Silva ◽  
Maria Rita Loureiro

The article analyzes the capacity production of a Brazilian urban policy (Program of Acceleration of Growth - Slum Upgrading, PAC-UAP), whose implementation flaws are commonly associated with municipal governments shortcomings, even though its interventions involve a multiplicity of actors. Three analytical and empirical aspects are considered: (i) the need to expand knowledge on state capacity in policies implemented by a network of actors; (ii) the relevance of the debate of policy capacity, which refers to the ability of reaching the expected results in a specific public policy; (iii) and the demand to explore federally induced public policies in federations marked by heterogeneous subnational entities. Methodologically, the work develops a case study, complemented by documental analysis and interviews with key stakeholders. The research corroborates studies that emphasize that municipal problems affected the production capacity of PAC-UAP, particularly the lack of adequate human and financial resources. On the other hand, this study innovates when considering that the municipality is, in fact, the node of a network of actors, whose (in)capacity also affects the implementation. Therefore, it might not be possible to attribute only to the municipality the (in)success of this program. The article also reinforces the importance of incorporating organizational and systemic dimensions as explanatory elements, whose challenges can be potentiated when a program design is not adequate to the intrinsic characteristics of a certain public policy.


2020 ◽  
Vol 71 ◽  
pp. 116-143
Author(s):  
Fernanda Lima-Silva ◽  
Maria Rita Loureiro

The article analyzes the capacity production of a Brazilian urban policy (Program of Acceleration of Growth - Slum Upgrading, PAC-UAP), whose implementation flaws are commonly associated with municipal governments shortcomings, even though its interventions involve a multiplicity of actors. Three analytical and empirical aspects are considered: (i) the need to expand knowledge on state capacity in policies implemented by a network of actors; (ii) the relevance of the debate of policy capacity, which refers to the ability of reaching the expected results in a specific public policy; (iii) and the demand to explore federally induced public policies in federations marked by heterogeneous subnational entities. Methodologically, the work develops a case study, complemented by documental analysis and interviews with key stakeholders. The research corroborates studies that emphasize that municipal problems affected the production capacity of PAC-UAP, particularly the lack of adequate human and financial resources. On the other hand, this study innovates when considering that the municipality is, in fact, the node of a network of actors, whose (in)capacity also affects the implementation. Therefore, it might not be possible to attribute only to the municipality the (in)success of this program. The article also reinforces the importance of incorporating organizational and systemic dimensions as explanatory elements, whose challenges can be potentiated when a program design is not adequate to the intrinsic characteristics of a certain public policy.


2018 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Firrean Firrean

Special Economic Zones (SEZ) is a region with certain limits within the jurisdiction of Indonesia which is set to perform economic functions and obtain certain facilities. One SEZ developed in North Sumatra Province and included in the National Strategic Area (KSN) Medan - Binjai - Deli Serdang - Karo is SEZ Sei Mangke. SEZ Sei Mangke is defined in PP 29 of 2012 on 27 February 2012 and is the first KEK in Indonesia which was inaugurated its operation by President Joko Widodo on January 27, 2015. KSN Mebidangro itself is an area of priority spatial arrangement because it has a very important influence nationally against state sovereignty, defense and state security, economic, social, cultural, and / or environment, including areas designated as world heritage. This research is an evaluative research intended to find out the end of a policy program in order to determine recommendation of last policy by using CIPO model which includes four stages: (1) context, (2) input, (3) process, and (4) output. The research method used is case study by applying qualitative research that aims to make an accurate interpretation of the characteristics of the object under study. Findings on the evaluation context indicate that the program is generally running well, but some aspects of synergy and policy optimization as well as financing support from central and local government need to be improved. In the input evaluation, and evaluation process some aspects need to be improved because the findings show the weakness of some aspects is the result of lack of synergy and optimization of policy and support from local government. Interesting from the evaluation of ouput is that with some weaknesses in the input and process components, it turns out the evaluation findings ouput show Seek Mangke SEZ development can still run well. The recommendation of this research is to improve the quality of policy synergy / program of SEZ Seek development by improving several aspects that are categorized in each stage of evaluation


2021 ◽  
Vol 40 (1) ◽  
pp. 50-72
Author(s):  
Luky Sandra Amalia ◽  
Aisah Putri Budiatri ◽  
Mouliza KD. Sweinstani ◽  
Atika Nur Kusumaningtyas ◽  
Esty Ekawati

In the 2019 election, the proportion of women elected to Indonesia’s People’s Representative Assembly ( Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat, DPR) increased significantly to almost 21 per cent. In this article, we ask whether an institutional innovation – the introduction of simultaneous presidential and legislative elections – contributed to this change. We examine the election results, demonstrating that, overall, women candidates did particularly well in provinces where the presidential candidate nominated by their party won a majority of the vote. Having established quantitatively a connection between results of the presidential elections and outcomes for women legislative candidates, we turn to our qualitative findings to seek a mechanism explaining this outcome. We argue that the simultaneous elections helped women candidates by easing their access to voters who supported one of the presidential candidates, but who were undecided on the legislative election. Rather than imposing additional burdens on female candidates, simultaneous elections assisted them.


2021 ◽  
Vol 40 (1) ◽  
pp. 73-92
Author(s):  
Muhammad Mahsun ◽  
Misbah Zulfa Elizabeth ◽  
Solkhah Mufrikhah

This article analyses the factors leading to the success of women candidates in the 2019 elections in Central Java. Recent scholarship on women’s representation in Indonesia has highlighted the role that dynastic ties and relationships with local political elites play in getting women elected in an environment increasingly dominated by money politics and clientelism. Our case study of women candidates in Central Java belonging to the elite of the Nahdlatul Ulama (NU)-affiliated women’s religious organisations Muslimat and Fatayat shows that strong women candidates with grassroots support can nonetheless win office. Using the concepts of social capital and gender issue ownership, and clientelism, we argue that women candidates can gain a strategic advantage when they “run as women.” By harnessing women’s networks and focusing on gender issues to target women voters, they are able to overcome cultural, institutional, and structural barriers to achieve electoral success even though they lack resources and political connections.


Author(s):  
Peter Flynn

In 2006 my university academic IT support group was approached by an academic colleague wanting to start a new journal, which would be available in electronic form only. There were restrictions imposed by the technical capabilities of the pool of authors, the requirements of the discipline, and — unsurprisingly — the lack of financial resources. The decision was made to implement a system using only open source software, and building largely from scratch, as the existing open source journal publishing systems at the time, although comprehensive and well-established, were seen as far too large and complex for the task. This paper is a case study describing the process and explaining the background to the decisions made. It attempts to draw some conclusions about the technical viability of creating a small-scale publishing system which attempted to retain XML throughout the workflow, and about the human factors which influenced the decisions.


Author(s):  
Hendrawati

The research of Women recruitment be a (legislative) politician be held on Kotabaru Regency and Tanah Bumbu Regency at South Kalimantan Province. The Objective is a known and seen recruitment or woman candidate to be a (legislative) politician. This research used methods survey with the quantitative approach, intended to descriptive data via questionnaire to respondent. Data who not can be covered in this research be equipped with the quantitative approach with depth interview. The result showing the public opinion seen women presence as politician more comprehensive likely on Act No.8 Years 2012 to encourage strengthening the role, position, and strategic about 30% women representation in legislative. But what happens, proportion women member on legislative failed to reach 30% of affirmative action, beside patriarchy culture still shadowing women candidates for legislative so that so difficult to strengthen the trust of the voters. And then, ration of women representation has decrease, both locally, province and center at 2014 Election. Keyword : recruitment, Women, Politician, Legislative   ABSTRAK Penelitian rekrutmen perempuan menjadi politisi (legislatif) berlokasi di Kabupaten Kotabaru dan Tanah Bumbu, Kalimantan Selatan. Tujuannya untuk mengetahui dan melihat rekrutmen atau pencalonan perempuan menjadi politisi (legislatif). Metode yang digunakan melalui survey dengan pendekatan kuantitatif. Dimaksudkan untuk mendiskripsikan data melalui kuesioner kepada responden. Data yang tidak tercover dalam penelitian ini, maka dilengkapi dengan pendekatan kualitatif dengan wawancara mendalam. Hasil penelitian menunjukan bahwa opini public melihat keberadaan perempuan sebagai politisi lebih konprehensif berpeluang dalam UU No.8 Tahun 2012 untuk mendorong penguatan peran, posisi dan strategis tentang keterwakilan perempuan 30% di lembaga legislative. Namun apa yang terjadi, proporsi anggota legisatif perempuan yang terpilih gagal mencapai affirmative action 30%, disamping budaya patriarki masih membayangi para caleg perempuan juga gagalnya pengkaderan dan pendidikan politik serta rekrutmen politisi perempuan (DPR) yang kurang selektif sehingga sulit memperkuat kepercayaan pemilih. Akhirnya jatah keterwakilan perempuan mengalami penurunan, baik ditingkat, lokal, provinsi, maupun tingkat pusat pada pemilu 2014. Kata kunci: rekrutmen, perempuan, politisi, legislatif


2019 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 599
Author(s):  
Hendy Hendy ◽  
Firman Wijaya

Dewi Sri Astuti, initially she was only trying to increase financial resources in the family, but she tripped over a case experienced by her business partners, namely Suherman and Susanti. Dewi Sri Astuti was charged guilty because she had purchased items resulting from the theft of a crime committed by her business partners in the place where they worked. Even though Dewi Sri Astuti did not know that the goods she had received from her business partners were the result of a criminal act of theft. In this case to be able to convict someone must be fulfilled two things, namely as actus reus (physical element) and.mens.rea (mental element). However, Dewi Sri Astuti was still found guilty even though it did not fulfill the subjective element of the crime. How is the juridical analysis of buying and selling actions that are subject to article 480 of the Criminal Code (case study: verdict number 1291 / Pid.B / 2018 / PN.JKT.PST)? The author used normative legal methods and used interview data as supporting data. The.results of the study revealed that Dewi Sri Astuti did not fulfill all the elements in Article.480 of the Criminal.Code, where in the element of criminal offense there are 2 (two) elements. First.element is an objective element and.the second element.is a subjective element.


Author(s):  
Melody E. Valdini

Chapter 4 examines the inclusion calculations of party elites in the aftermath of a massive corruption scandal. It argues that party elites have an incentive to strategically increase the presence of women candidates in such an environment in order to associate themselves and their party with stereotypical feminine traits, but this incentive is not always enough to trigger inclusion. Case study analyses of Spain, Portugal, and Ireland are presented, with evidence that political parties in Spain and Portugal recruit and run more women candidates in high-profile positions after a massive scandal breaks but, due to the high “costs” of running women in the institutional environment of Ireland, this effect is not found there. Finally, the chapter presents a large-N regression analysis of legislative electoral results over a period of 20 years, with evidence that more women win legislative seats in the aftermath of a corruption scandal.


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