Rezim Standar Industri Pariwisata dan Paradoks Pembangunan Desa Wisata di Indonesia: Pengalaman Desa Mangunan

The structural perspective explains well the paradox of development through the phenomenon of democratization in the trap of electoralism that does not change the inequality of power relations. This article moves in a different sense by offering the concept of governmentality in exploring the paradox of development. However, this study does not reject the argument that the paradoxical failure of development stems from the development mode that results in the depoliticization of development. The author deepens this argument by examining microscopically the types of power that work. More specifically, this study discusses the question of how the existing regime of knowledge about development produces paradoxical symptoms. Departing from the case of Mangunan Village, Bantul Regency, the findings in this study indicate that tourism development which was built in the name of a program to improve the welfare of the citizens in fact only serves the growth of the tourism industry. This can be seen from the knowledge regime that underlies the existence of the programs being carried out, namely encouraging the growth of the tourism industry that meets tourism business standards. This kind of knowledge regime is only possible for business actors who have access and resources to meet various tourism industry standards. Meanwhile, residents with limited resource capacity cannot meet various standards. In short, this kind of knowledge regime actually contributes to widening the gap in economic inequality between citizens.

From Confrontation to Collaboration: Peasant Negotiations in the Arena of Decentralization

Decentralization and local democracy are two inseparable elements of post-New Order Indonesia development politics. Furthermore, the quality of decentralization to a certain extent is influenced by the depth and quality of local democratic practices. This study reveals that decentralization is not only an arena of competition between local elites in possession of capital through local democratic institutions, but also an arena in which grassroots groups (peasants) could fight for their land rights. This study observes that local democratic procedures and institutions that are practiced in unison with decentralization are not utilized by the lower classes in the struggle for their rights. This shows the failure of local democratic institutions from taking root in the marginal groups. The success of peasant movements in the struggle for their rights and the practice of local elite domination of the decentralization arena does not come out of the blue, but is related to the history of the formation of the agrarian structure and social class. This study concludes that on one side, local elites trust democratic institutions and procedures to achieve their goals, while on the other side the grassroots have their own logic on how local democracy should have been practiced, namely by not separating practice of local democracy from the missions of justice and social welfare for the common good.

Praktik Kewargaan dalam Arena Institusi Informal Era Demokratisasi

Most studies on citizenship have only focus on the practice of citizenship in the context of formal state institutions. On the other hand, there are relatively few studies discussing citizenship practices in informal institutions. Therefore, this study examines the practice of citizenship in Islamic boarding schools/pesantren in the form of bonds as jamaah. This article intends to map the operation of pesantren as a binder of social ties between its citizens, as well as the pattern of relations between kiai and santri. This research shows that pesantren acts as lebenschraum habitus which installs the perceptions and expressions of its citizens. Pesantren is also a locus of power that has a significant influence on political and civic practices. As a locus of power, there is symbolic capital which is represented and reproduced continuously so that the symbolic capital produces economic, social, and cultural capital. The surplus of capital owned by the lora enables them to transform from the habitus of pesantren, to the habitus of political society and the state through the mechanism of electoral democracy. Even though the pesantren with all their supporting elements have a clientelistic relationship pattern, there is a public morality that can be transformed to strengthen the democratization agenda in the future.

The Political Dynamics on Development Process of Human Rights Cities: Lessons from South Korea and Indonesia

There has not been a comparative study on the human rights cities in South Korea and Indonesia. Therefore, this paper conduct a comparative study of the dynamics within the development process of the human rights city in Gwangju and Wonosobo. This study explains how both cities flourished into Human Rights Cities using agenda-building theory. Moreover, this research elucidates the main actors and their respective roles in the development of both Human Rights Cities. Employing qualitative methods of data collection and analysis, this study found similarities and differences between the development processes of both Human Rights Cities. This article found that civil society organizations’ efforts were influential in the initiation stage in Gwangju. Meanwhile, in the case of Wonosobo, the concept of brandishing itself as a Human Rights City came from the Mayor. As a result, the top-down agenda-building process in Wonosobo took place faster than the development of the bottom-up human rights city of Gwangju.

Policy Learning dalam Formulasi Kebijakan Penanggulangan Kemiskinan Daerah: Insight dari Gunungkidul

Studies on policy learning in the formulation of public policies have received less attention in the era of decentralization. This article aims to discuss policy learning in the formulation of local poverty reduction policies. By taking a case study in Gunungkidul Regency, this study shows that the learning carried out is conceptual learning which changes the perspective on local poverty reduction, from problem-based to asset-based. The form of policy learning that occurs is by selective imitation, which is taking certain elements to be included in the policy and not taking it in detail to avoids political risks. This policy learning model has implications for the implementation of policies that do not explicitly create new activities, but complement existing activity programs. The policy learning process at first glance appears as an administrative process, but in essence it is very political because it involves various actors with various interests.

Elite Predatory Practices in the Budgeting Process of Local Development in Indonesia

This article analyses the pattern of relationships between local businessmen-politicians in parliament and the executive elite in budgeting for local infrastructure development. By using the theory of patronage, cronyism, and predatory state as a framework analysis, this paper provides a theoretical contribution that sees the three theories are complementary to each other. The predatory practices in Indonesia often work in the context of political patronage and cronyism. In this study, the businessmen-politicians in parliament and executive elites of local government placed as local-state actors relate to each other in the informal networks for the practices of a predatory state. My findings showed that the domination of the businessmen-politicians in local parliament has created a networks of patronage politics and cronyism with the executive elite. This is evidenced by some of the findings. First, the businessmen-politicians and the executive elites collaborated to hijack the budgeting process. Second, there has been a monopoly of tenders of local infrastructure development projects by the businessman-politicians in the local parliament. Third, the services were exchanged between the businessmen-politicians with the executive elite who are in a relationship of patronage and cronyism are public goods.

Elected Without Buying Vote: Woman Candidate, Canvassing, and Programmatic Campaign in the 2019 Local Legislative Election

Although extensive studies have been carried out on women candidates in the Indonesia election, no specific attention discusses elected women candidates without relying on vote-buying. This paper seeks to explain how and to what extend the winning strategy of a woman candidate elected with limited financial resources. We argue that door to door canvassing and programmatic campaign through social media are a crucial alternative strategy for a woman candidate to mobilize voters. The argument builds based on the case study of an elected woman candidate from the Indonesian Solidarity Party at district 10 of the Jakarta provincial parliament. This article shows that a woman candidate prioritized personal communication with voters directly and policy program campaign as a central winning strategy. There is a more optimistic story about an elected woman candidate in the local legislative election when compared to previous studies. Our findings confirm that a woman candidate could secure the parliament seat without relying on vote-buying, political dynasty, and male power.

The Political Economy of Public Procurement Reform and Democratic Decentralisation in Indonesia

Procurement has been one of the most important areas of reform at both national and local levels since the fall of the New Order. This article provides an overview of procurement reform in Indonesia. This paper explains that following the implementation of democratic decentralization in 1999, the Indonesian government has embarked on efforts to ensure that Indonesian procurement procedures comply with international standards, particularly with regards to good governance and the competitiveness of public procurement. However, there is no substantial evidence that the implementation of procurement reform has resulted in more democratic procurement practices. Rather, the process of democratic decentralization has provided a political environment whereby the public procurement budget has become vulnerable to capture by predatory elites for their private interests, a process involving local politicians, local leaders, bureaucrats and business actors.

Restrictions on Congregational Prayers and Negotiations on Religious Freedom during Pandemic in Indonesia

This article discusses the policy of restricting religious rights or beliefs during the pandemic time in Indonesia. Most studies presume that restriction policy is in line with the principles and rights of religious freedom. These studies have not much directed towards answering how the restriction on the worship right, such as congregational prayers, able to accommodate and negotiate various rejections and neglects by some Islamic communities. This paper comes with the idea that policies to restrict congregational prayers should not be uniform but provide several alternative approaches. This approach needs support from central and local authorities negotiating abilities. The main research data came from the policy documents of the central government and provincial government. Secondary data came from media coverage and relevant literature. This study found that restrictions in the early days of the pandemic applied uniformly in the form of the absence of congregational prayers during the lockdown period. The policy does not provide alternatives such as still allowing it by establishing health protocols.

Challenging Hegemonic Masculinity, Pursuing Gender Equity: Case Study of Male Muslim Leaders of Islamic Boarding Schools

This article is about men’s role in promoting gender equity with case study of male Muslim leaders of Islamic boarding schools who involved in the mainstreaming of gender equity. Few of them, who have engaged in, have been playing an effective role in gender mainstreaming. They can challenge the root causes of gender inequity without being seen to disrupt the socio-cultural and religious setup. They understand the gender-biased cultural practices necessitate to be changed and have the capacity to intervene in those aspects of social construction considered inimical to gender equity. Besides, they have empowered personally because they have made gender equity as their strategic choice to be pursued. Although they have previously denied choosing the issue, they have gradually received it fully in their preoccupation. Their empowerment has consisted of three dimensions, tangible and intangible resources, agencies, and the power of achievement. Their effectiveness has additionally depended on their vantage point as leaders, to tackle the root causes rather than the symptoms of gender inequity. In this paper, I look in detail at their work and explore the lessons that can be taken and replicated elsewhere in the Islamic world for greater gender equity.