scholarly journals Paradiplomacy, Security Policies and City Networks: the Case of the Mercocities Citizen Security Thematic Unit

2017 ◽  
Vol 39 (3) ◽  
pp. 569-587 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gilberto Marcos Antonio Rodrigues ◽  
Thiago Mattioli

Abstract In a phenomenon known as paradiplomacy, cities are playing an increasingly important role in international relations. Through paradiplomacy, cities are co-operating internationally with other cities, and city networks have become important spaces for sharing experiences of and best practices in local public policy. Moreover, security policy is a increasingly important part of local policy-making. In Latin America, the concept of citizen security, based on a democratic and human rights approach, has developed in response to the legacy of authoritarian regimes from the 1960s to the 1980s. This article examines how security policies have been disseminated, discussed and transferred through Mercocities, the main city network in South America.

Author(s):  
Joseph Kizza ◽  
Florence Migga Kizza

In the last chapter, we discussed the basics of network security. Among the issues that we briefly touched on are the techniques and best practices that are currently being used by many security personnel in a variety of networks that make up the communication infrastructure. In this chapter, we are going to start with what is considered to be the most basic of all security techniques—security.policy. We will discuss several issues about security policy, like what constitutes a good policy and how to formulate, develop, write implement, and maintain a security policy.


1998 ◽  
Vol 52 (3) ◽  
pp. 613-644 ◽  
Author(s):  
Richard Price

The rise in the importance of nonstate actors in generating new norms in world politics has been documented by scholars, but the literature has focused predominantly on nonsecurity (“new”) issue areas. Conversely, although recent constructivist work in international relations has examined the security policies of states, typically it is the state that is doing the constructing of interests. I bridge these two literatures by examining the hard case of transnational civil society working through issue networks to teach state interests in security policy. I analyze the campaign by transnational civil society to generate an international norm prohibiting antipersonnel land mines and trace the effects of several techniques through which states can be said to be socialized. Through generating issues, networking, “grafting,” and using a transnational Socratic method to reverse burdens of proof, the campaign has stimulated systemic normative change through two processes: norm adoption through the conversion of persuaded moral entrepreneurs and emulation resulting from social pressures of identity.


2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (4) ◽  
pp. 79-90 ◽  
Author(s):  
Seiichiro Hasui ◽  
Hiroshi Komatsu

Climate security has been discussed in both academia and policy documents in the West. A key point that surfaces from these discussions is that the cooperation of non-military organizations is essential for effective responses to climate change-related threats. This overlaps considerably with debates on security in Japan, where the use of force is constitutionally restricted. Therefore, it is possible to localize the concept of climate security to the genealogy of Japan’s security policy that, in the 1980s and 1990s, sought a non-traditional security strategy that did not rely solely on military power in the name of “comprehensive security,” “environmental security,” and “human security.” In Japan, the perspective of climate security is rare. However, the introduction of a unique climate security concept into security policy enables the maintenance of national security and environmental conservation. Additionally, struggling with climate change alongside neighboring countries contributes to mutual confidence building and stability in international relations in Northeast Asia. To achieve this objective, we first show that climate security includes many kinds of security concerns by surveying previous studies and comparing Western countries’ climate security policies. Second, we follow the evolution of Japan’s security policy from 1980 to 2021. Finally, we review Japanese climate security policies and propose policy options.


2021 ◽  
Vol 18 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Christine Liu

Abstract What explains variations in the proactiveness of Japanese Prime Ministers (PMs) toward national defense? Although the Japanese Constitution renounces the use of force, leaders sometimes speak assertively over national security. Drawing on competing international relations and Japanese foreign policy theories, this study seeks to quantitatively model and analyze predictors of political rhetoric in PMs’ speeches and statements from 2009 to 2019. Each statement is coded into four sets of binary dependent variables through content analysis and tested against five competing hypotheses. The main finding reveals that leaders become more likely to advocate for specifically assertive national security policy when Chinese vessel intrusion increases, but not when North Korea missile tests and aircraft scrambles increase. Instead of a diversionary use of words, an emboldening effect is evident in rhetoric that evokes responsibility in international defense, moderated by ruling government strength. The findings advance academic understandings of Japanese national security policy messaging and highlight the effect of external threat perception on political rhetoric.


Author(s):  
Poorvi Chitalkar ◽  
David M. Malone

India’s engagement with the institutions and norms of global governance has evolved significantly since independence in 1947. This chapter traces the evolution—beginning with early engagement with international organizations under Nehru, to the waning of its enthusiasm for multilateralism in the 1960s and 1970s, and its struggle for greater voice and recognition internationally in the twenty-first century. Through the prism of its quest for a permanent seat in the UN Security Council, its approach to climate change negotiations, global economic diplomacy, and its engagement with global norms, this chapter traces India’s rise as a vital player in the rebalancing of international relations in a multipolar world. However, despite its tremendous progress, some ongoing challenges continue to constrain India’s meaningful participation in global governance at times. The chapter concludes with an assessment of India’s contribution to global governance and its prospects as a stakeholder and shareholder on the global stage.


2018 ◽  
Vol 44 (3) ◽  
pp. 393-413 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ingvild Bode ◽  
Hendrik Huelss

AbstractAutonomous weapons systems (AWS) are emerging as key technologies of future warfare. So far, academic debate concentrates on the legal-ethical implications of AWS but these do not capture how AWS may shape norms through defining diverging standards of appropriateness in practice. In discussing AWS, the article formulates two critiques on constructivist models of norm emergence: first, constructivist approaches privilege the deliberative over the practical emergence of norms; and second, they overemphasise fundamental norms rather than also accounting for procedural norms, which we introduce in this article. Elaborating on these critiques allows us to respond to a significant gap in research: we examine how standards of procedural appropriateness emerging in the development and usage of AWS often contradict fundamental norms and public legitimacy expectations. Normative content may therefore be shaped procedurally, challenging conventional understandings of how norms are constructed and considered as relevant in International Relations. In this, we outline the contours of a research programme on the relationship of norms and AWS, arguing that AWS can have fundamental normative consequences by setting novel standards of appropriate action in international security policy.


2019 ◽  
Vol 23 (2) ◽  
pp. 344-361
Author(s):  
Yves Gambier

The landscape in translation and interpreting is changing deeply and rapidly. For a long time, but not necessarily everywhere, translation was denied as a need (except for the political and religious powers), as effort (translation being defined as a kind of mechanical work, as substitution of words), and as a profession (translators embodying a subaltern position). Technology is bringing in certain changes in attitudes and perceptions with regards international, multilingual and multimodal communications. This article tries to define the changes and their consequences in the labelling and characterisation of the different practices. It is organised in five sections: first, we recall that translation and interpreting are only one option in international relations; then, we explain the different denials of translation in the past (or the refusal to recognize the different values of translation). In the third section, we consider how and to what extent technology is transforming today practices and markets. The ongoing changes do not boil solely to developments in Machine Translation (which started in the 1960s): community, crowdsourced/collaborative translation and volunteer translation encompass different practices. In many cases, users provide their own translations, with or without formal qualifications in translation. The evolution is not only technical but also economic and social. In addition, the fragmentation and the diversity of practices do have an impact on a multi-faceted market. In the fourth section, we emphasize that there are nowadays different concepts of translation and competitive paradigms in Translation Studies. Finally, we tackle the organisational challenge of the field, since the institutionalisation of translation and Translation Studies cannot remain the same as when there was a formal consensus on the concept of translation.


2004 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 67-87
Author(s):  
Jeong-Yong Kim

This article presents the model of 'business-track diplomacy' to test a state's utilization of economic engagement strategy as security policy. The model provides ways to think around security issues and alternative security options that go beyond the traditional military containment approach to security in international relations. As a case study, the article investigates Hyundai Group's Mountain Kumgang tourism with North Korea. In this case study, it demonstrates that not only the Kim Dae-Jung government's strong policy-making will of business-track diplomacy towards North Korea but also the Hyundai Group's business will and vulnerability of the North Korean economy played important roles in realizing the tour project and thus, enhanced inter-Korean economic cooperation.


2021 ◽  

In U.S. foreign and security policy under President Donald J. Trump clearly recognizable tectonic shifts have become visible (keyword: “America first”). This study by the Cologne Forum for International Relations and Security Policy (KFIBS) takes stock of the development of European-American relations. In particular, possible “EUropean” responses to the diverse transatlantic challenges that have arisen from the Trump era are the focus of this volume and their range and effectiveness are being investigated. In addition to the analysis, recommendations for action and policy recommendations have been formulated in terms of a practical approach to conveying scientific knowledge. With contributions by Sascha Arnautović, Jakob Wiedekind, Anna Hardage, Hendrik W. Ohnesorge and Aylin Matlé.


2019 ◽  
Vol 34 (1) ◽  
pp. 123-134
Author(s):  
Kalana Malimage ◽  
Nirmalee Raddatz ◽  
Brad S. Trinkle ◽  
Robert E. Crossler ◽  
Rebecca Baaske

ABSTRACT This study examines the impact of deterrence and inertia on information security policy changes. Corporations recognize the need to prioritize information security, which sometimes involves designing and implementing new security measures or policies. Using an online survey, we investigate the effect of deterrent sanctions and inertia on respondents' intentions to comply with modifications to company information security policies. We find that certainty and celerity associated with deterrent sanctions increase compliance intentions, while inertia decreases respondents' compliance intentions related to modified information security policies. Therefore, organizations must work to overcome employees' reluctance to change in order to improve compliance with security policy modifications. They may also consider implementing certain and timely sanctions for noncompliance.


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