scholarly journals ‘Peace with a Woman’s Face’: Women, Social Media and the Colombian Peace Process

2020 ◽  
Vol 42 (3) ◽  
pp. 515-538
Author(s):  
Alexis Henshaw

Abstract The idea that men and women approach conflict resolution differently forms the backbone of the international agenda on Women, Peace, and Security (WPS) and is supported by a growing body of scholarship in international relations. However, the role of women who represent insurgent groups in peace talks remains understudied, given the relatively rare appearance of such women in peace processes. The present study examines how men and women from the negotiating team of the Revolutionary Armed Forced of Colombia (FARC) engaged in public-facing discourse on Twitter leading up to a referendum on the peace accords in 2016. Using a mixed-methods approach that includes computational analysis and a close reading of social media posts, I demonstrate that women in the FARC’s negotiating team were more successful social media users than their male counterparts and that they offered a distinct contribution to the discourse on peace, centring the relevance of gender and promoting issue linkages like the need to address LGBTI rights.

Author(s):  
Keith Krause

This article evaluates the achievements and limitations of the world organization in the field of disarmament. It stresses the role of the UN as part of the efforts to control arms as a way to achieve international peace and security. It also notes specific cases where progress was achieved or not, as well as the more recent efforts to handle the problems of anti-personnel land mines and small arms and light weapons. The article also tries to draw out some of the broader implications for international relations of the UN experience with formal multilateral arms control, among others.


2020 ◽  
pp. 105-122
Author(s):  
Svetlana Cebotari ◽  
Selena Stejaru

Currently, we experience a conditional reality imposed by the COVID19 pandemic, with both immediate and long-lasting repercussions on the international system and the behavior of each state. For this reason and because the new virus has a dynamic evolution in time and space, research of the impact of the new virus is needed not only from a biogenetic perspective but also in the context of other fields, including the international relations realm. The events we are witnessing at the present challenge to keep up with transformations taking place in the international arena, especially those in the field of virology. As epidemics over time, viruses that cause them to change and occur constantly remain only the fact that they will always influence not only interpersonal relations but impose conditions for new realities in the system of international relations. This article aims to highlight the main gaps in the work of the institution responsible for maintaining peace and security in the international arena, especially in the context of the COVID-19 crisis.


The peace process in Northern Ireland is associated with the signing of the Good Friday or Belfast Agreement, the arduous and lengthy implementation of this Agreement, and the continuing sectarianism in Northern Ireland. Despite the numerous and various studies about this case, no collection of scholarly analysis to date has attempted to assess a wide variety of theories prominent in International Relations (IR) that relate directly to the conflict in Northern Ireland, the peace process, and the challenges to consolidating peace after an agreement. IR scholars have recently written about and debated issues related to paradigms, border settlement and peace, the need to provide security and disarm combatants, the role of agents and ideas, gender and security, transnational movements and actors, the role of religions and religious institutions, the role of regional international organizations, private sector promotion of peace processes, economic aid and peacebuilding, the emergence of complex cooperation even in the world of egoists, and the need for reconciliation in conflict torn societies. How do the theories associated with these issues apply in the context of Northern Ireland’s peace process? Theories of International Relations and Northern Ireland explores primarily middle-range theories of International Relations and examines these theories in the context of the important case of Northern Ireland.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nadine Yacoub

This MRP will attempt to explain social media today by applying Smythe’s (2006) research on audience commodity and free labour regarding television and broadcast to hashtag campaigns on Instagram, such as Coca-Cola’s #ShareaCoke, and Calvin Klein’s #MyCalvins. This MRP will support literature pertaining to audience commodity and free labour, the monetization of user-generated content via social media marketing, and the nature of the audience. Through a mixed methods approach, the campaigns will be analyzed in hopes of discovering how social media has revolutionized the role of the audience, which has shifted drastically due to the participatory nature of the Internet—thus, demonstrating the transformation of the audience as users to producers to advertisers of user-generated content created for hashtag campaigns on Instagram. Ultimately, this MRP will seek to demonstrate that this transformation has resulted in exploitation of users, and have revolutionized the model of free labour and commodity as outline by Smythe (2006).


2021 ◽  
pp. 001083672110471
Author(s):  
Marius Mehrl ◽  
Christoph Dworschak

How does the presence of female rebel combatants during conflict influence the likelihood of United Nations post-conflict peacekeeping deployment? While past literature on peacekeeping emphasizes the role of conflict attributes and security council interests, only few studies investigate the importance of belligerent characteristics. We argue that, because dominant gender stereotypes paint women as peaceful, female rebel combatants lead domestic and international audiences to perceive conflicts in which they fight as more severe. Given that recent UN resolutions and mission mandates align with these stereotypes, this in turn, causes the UN to intervene and deploy peacekeepers. Multivariate regression models drawing on a global sample of UN post-conflict missions provide empirical support for our hypothesis. Our findings add to the growing body of literature emphasizing the role of women in combat roles, and contribute to the discussion on the UN’s Women, Peace, and Security agenda.


2018 ◽  
Vol 62 (2) ◽  
pp. 289-309 ◽  
Author(s):  
REBEKAH CLEMENTS

AbstractThe study of early modern diplomatic history has in recent decades expanded beyond a bureaucratic, state-centric focus to consider the processes and personal interactions by which international relations were maintained. Scholars have begun to consider, among other factors, the role of diplomatic gifts, diplomatic hospitality, and diplomatic culture. This article contributes to this discussion from an East Asian perspective by considering the role of ‘brush talk’ – written exchanges of classical, literary Chinese – during diplomatic missions from the Korean Chosŏn court to the Tokugawa Shogunate in Japan during the seventeenth through nineteenth centuries. Drawing upon official records, personal diaries, and illustrations, I argue that brush talk was not an official part of diplomatic ceremony and that brushed encounters with Korean officials even extended to people of the townsman classes. Brush talk was as much about ritual display, calligraphic art, and drawing upon a shared storehouse of civilized learning as it was about communicating factual content through language. These visual, performative aspects of brush talk in East Asian diplomacy take it beyond the realm of how alingua francais usually conceived, adding to the growing body of scholarship on how this concept applies to non-Western histories.


2012 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 133-153 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jennifer Bond ◽  
Laurel Sherret

Over the past decade, the international community has acknowledged that traditional notions of conflict and protection must be re-visited if true human security is to be realized. Consistent with this recognition, both the responsibility to protect and the women, peace, and security agenda challenge the status quo and offer new perspectives from which to approach responses to conflict. Unfortunately, the former was developed without consideration of the latter, and a tremendous opportunity to benefit from years of experience and expertise was thus missed. This article demonstrates that while recent discourse surrounding the responsibility to protect suggests some increased awareness that conflict affects men and women differently, there remains a significant disconnect between the development of this framework and the ever-growing body of work on the gendered nature of peace and security issues. Our identification of this ongoing chasm is accompanied by two simple observations: first, that this renders the responsibility to protect inconsistent with other international commitments and priorities; and second, that incorporation of the links between gender and conflict will improve the ability of the responsibility to protect to afford true protection.


2017 ◽  
Vol 20 (7) ◽  
pp. 2252-2271 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stephen R Barnard

As a hybrid, journo-activist space, tweeting #Ferguson quickly emerged as a way for activists and journalists to network and spread information. Using a mixed-methods approach combining digital ethnographic content analysis with social network analysis and link analysis, this study examines journalistic and activist uses of Twitter to identify changes in field relations and practices. Employing the lenses of field theory and mediatization, this study finds parity and divergence in the themes, frames, format, and discourse of journalist and activist Twitter practices. While the traditions of objective journalism and affective activism persist, notable exceptions occurred, especially following acts of police suppression. The networked communities of professional and activist Twitter users were overlapping and interactive, suggesting hybridity at the margins of the journalistic field. Given the hybridizing of journalistic and journo-activist practices, this case study examines the role of social media in efforts to report on and bolster social change.


2021 ◽  
pp. 009365022110185
Author(s):  
Kate Keib ◽  
Bartosz W. Wojdynski ◽  
Camila Espina ◽  
Jennifer Malson ◽  
Brittany Jefferson ◽  
...  

A growing body of research suggests that differences between smartphones and desktop computers influence information processing outcomes. A within-subjects ( N = 64) smartphone eye-tracking experiment replicates a 2018 desktop-based study of users’ visual attention to and engagement with social media news posts. The results show that users spend less time viewing social media news posts on smartphones than desktop, and report lower levels of pleasure and arousal in response to the posts. However, the study found no significant difference between devices in intent to click to read the story and intent to share the post. The findings are discussed with regard to implications for the role of device and attention in communication theory, as well as practical implications for news organizations and other social media content producers.


2018 ◽  
Vol 17 (2) ◽  
pp. 141-154 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michał Krzyżanowski ◽  
Joshua A. Tucker

Abstract In recent years, the connection between online and in particular social media and politics has become one of the central ones in contemporary societies, and has been explored very widely in political research and media and communication studies. Against such growing body of research, this Special Issue foregrounds the role of language as a key carrier of political ideologies and practices on social and online media. It aims to advance the scholarly understanding of contemporary political and democratic dynamics by postulating the need for a broader, problem-driven look at how political practices and ideologies are articulated on social and online media. It illustrates the value of a cross-disciplinary take that allows overcoming both the classic (e.g. qualitative vs. quantitative) and the more recent (e.g. small vs. big data) divides in explorations of the language of online and politics.


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