scholarly journals Value Dominants of Basque Mentality in the Contemporary Media in Spain

Author(s):  
Olga Chesnokova ◽  
Liana Dzhishkariani

The article discusses and interprets the Basque mentality values and their evidence in the contemporary political discourse and media. An important task of communication science and medialinguistics is the study of pragma-linguistic properties of media texts and their impact on the audience. The contemporary Spanish media feature an impressive range of sources representing and interpreting the multicultural and multi-ethnic situation in Spain, as well as ongoing socio-political and socio-economic changes. Together with the Spanish language being the official state language, the Catalan, the Galician and the Basque have been established co-official languages by the Spanish Constitution. Basque Autonomous Community, or the Basque Country, is one of the most prosperous and steadily developing Autonomous Communities of Spain, which affects the socio-political situation in the region and the discourse of political parties. A vast majority of Basque people are bilingual. The hypothesis of this study states that the contemporary reality of the Basque Country finds its reflection in value dominants of the discourse of political parties of the Basque Country. This discourse is objectified by the Mass Media rhetoric, studying which the authors determine and discuss the value dominants of Basque linguistic culture, their linguo-pragmatic features and their use in the media language, as well as their lexical, semantic, morphological and syntactic features. All this builds up the topicality of the research into pragma-linguistic parameters of media texts and mechanisms of their impact on the audience. The authors infer that the media rhetoric includes onomastic dominants (naming units of Spanish Basque Country and French Basque Country and their paraphrases, of Spain, Basque people, and the Basque language), and keywords of the Basque mentality introduced into a Spanish text in Basque. Moreover, being integral components of the discourse of political parties in the Basque Country, these linguistic means acquire and realize their cultural and symbolic potential, and reflect the mentality, values, and traditions of Basques in the modern Basque and Spanish media.

2017 ◽  
Vol 1 (100) ◽  
pp. 51
Author(s):  
Vicenta Tasa Fuster

Resumen:Este trabajo pretende dar una visión general del reconocimiento de la diversidad lingüística española que se deriva de la Constitución. Nos referimos exclusivamente a las lenguas autóctonas históricamente habladas en España; teniendo en cuenta, además, que una misma lengua puede recibir diversas denominaciones populares y oficiales.Partiendo de estas premisas, el trabajo estudia el reconocimiento que hace la Constitución Española de la diversidad lingüística en España en su artículo 3. Se subraya en el estudio que, en dicho artículo de la Constitución se establece que el castellano es la lengua española oficial del Estado y que todos los españoles tienen el deber de conocerla y el derecho a usarla (art. 3.1), que las otras lenguas españolas serán también oficiales en las respectivas comunidades autónomas, en función de la regulación que hagan sus estatutos (art. 3.2) y que España considera que la riqueza de las diferentes modalidades lingüísticas esun patrimonio cultural que deberá tener un respeto y una protección especiales (art. 3.3).El contenido de la Constitución, la jurisprudencia constitucional de las últimas cuatro décadas y los estatutos de autonomía y legislación lingüística autonómica, han asentado un reconocimiento de la diversidad lingüística española y de los derechos lingüísticos concretos de los hablantes de las distintas lenguas españolas fundamentado en el principio de jerarquía lingüística y no en los de seguridad lingüística e igualdad de derechos lingüísticos. El principio de jerarquía lingüística presupone considerar que existen unas lenguas que deben tener un reconocimiento legal y oficial superior a otras. Y, lo que es lo mismo, que los derechos lingüísticos de sus hablantes no tienen el mismo grado de reconocimiento. Llegándose a dar el caso que, en España, una misma lengua pueda llegar a tener diferentes niveles de reconocimiento legal-oficial y un número aún mayor de políticas lingüísticas que traten de convertir en una realidad substantiva todos o una parte de los derechos lingüísticos reconocidos formalmente a los hablantes de una lengua diferente del castellano en una comunidad autónoma.Así las cosas, se constata que legalmente una lengua (castellano) tiene una situación de preeminencia legal-oficial, seis lenguas españolas (catalán, gallego, vasco, occitano, aragonés y asturleonés) tienen algún tipo de reconocimiento oficial en parte del territorio en el que son habladas de manera autóctona, una lengua tiene reconocimiento político (tamazight), otra tiene un reconocimiento administrativo menor en Cataluña (caló), y tres lenguas autóctonas no tienen el más mínimo reconocimiento legal, político o administrativo (árabe, haquetia yportugués). El trabajo estudia detalladamente y de manera global la estructuración de la jerarquía lingüística en la legislación española derivadade la Constitución y concluye con una descripción de los seis niveles de jerarquía lingüística y de derechos lingüísticos que existen en España. Se defiende, finalmente, un cambio sistema lingüístico legalconstitucional que respete los principios de seguridad lingüística y el principio de igualdad de derechos lingüísticos de todos los ciudadanos españoles. Summary:1. Introduction. The Constitution and the Spanish languages. 2.Language in the statutes of monolingual communities. 3. Linguisticdiversity in multilingual communities with a single official language.4. Communities with co-officiality. 5. Final considerations: a hierarchicalrecognition. 6. Bibliography cited. Abstract:This paper is an overview of the recognition of the Spanish linguistic diversity derived from the Constitution. We refer exclusively to the native languages historically spoken in Spain; about that is important to know that the same language can receive diverse popular and official denominations.With these premises, the work studies the recognition in the article 3 of the Spanish Constitution of the linguistic diversity in Spain. It is emphasized in the study that this article establishes that the Castilian is the official Spanish language of the State and that all Spaniards have the duty to know it and the right to use it (article 3.1), that the other Spanish languages would be official in the respective autonomous communities, depending on the regulation made by their statutes of autonomy (article 3.2 ), and that Spain considers the richness of the different linguistic modalities a cultural heritage that must have special respect and protection (article 3.3).The content of the Constitution, the constitutional jurisprudence of the last four decades and the statutes of autonomy and autonomous linguistic legislation, have established a recognition of the Spanish linguistic diversity and of the specific linguistic rights of the speakers of the different Spanish languages based on the principle of linguistic hierarchy and not in those of linguistic security and equality of linguistic rights. The principle of linguistic hierarchy considers that there are some languages that have to have a legal and official recognitionsuperior to others. And, what is the same, that the linguistic rights of its speakers do not have the same degree of recognition. In Spain, the same language may have different levels of legal-official recognition and a lot of linguistic policies in the autonomous communities that try to be reality all or part of the linguistic rights formally recognized to speakers of a language other than Castilian. So it is verified that legally a language (Castilian) has a situation oflegal-official preeminence, six Spanish languages (Catalan, Galician, Basque, Occitan, Aragonese and Asturian) have some type of official recognition in part of the territory where are spoken, one language has political recognition (Tamazight), another has a lower administrative recognition in Catalonia (Caló), and three indigenous languages do not have the least legal, political or administrative recognition (Arabic, Hachetia and Portuguese).The paper studies in detail the structure of the linguistic hierarchy in Spanish legislation derived from the Constitution and concludes with a description of the six levels of linguistic hierarchy and of linguistic rights that exist in Spain. Finally, it defends a legal-constitutional linguistic system that respects the principles of linguistic security and of equality of linguistic rights of all Spanish citizens.


2020 ◽  
Vol 15 (6) ◽  
pp. 71-87
Author(s):  
A.V. TOLOCHKO ◽  
◽  
V.A. MATVIENKO ◽  

The purpose of the study is to analyze the specifics of constructing the image of political parties in modern world media discourse practices. Achievement of this goal by the authors of this article determines the formulation of a number of important tasks, for the solution of which, first of all, the study of the image-making of political organizations is carried out, which is of interest to representatives of various worldview and social groups. The article examines the algorithm for constructing the image of parties and party coalitions, identifies the factors influencing their modifications. The authors determine the most effective strategies and tactics that influence the formation of a positive image during the electoral process, conduct a detailed analysis of the communication tools that generate a highly effective image of political parties using both traditional media practitioners and modern Internet agrigers. The work analyzes the main and auxiliary resources that have a multifaceted impact on the collaboration of party forces and their leaders with the media in the process of creating the given images, and broadcasting information to the target audience. As a result, a conclusion is made about the discursiveness of the image-making technologies existing in the media space, the presence of convergences and antinomies in them.


Author(s):  
Julia Partheymüller

It is widely believed that the news media have a strong influence on defining what are the most important problems facing the country during election campaigns. Yet, recent research has pointed to several factors that may limit the mass media’s agenda-setting power. Linking news media content to rolling cross-section survey data, the chapter examines the role of three such limiting factors in the context of the 2009 and the 2013 German federal elections: (1) rapid memory decay on the part of voters, (2) advertising by the political parties, and (3) the fragmentation of the media landscape. The results show that the mass media may serve as a powerful agenda setter, but also demonstrate that the media’s influence is strictly limited by voters’ cognitive capacities and the structure of the campaign information environment.


Politics ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 026339572110083
Author(s):  
Michaela Maier ◽  
Carlos Jalali ◽  
Jürgen Maier ◽  
Alessandro Nai ◽  
Sebastian Stier

European elections have been described as second-order phenomena for voters, the media, but also parties. Yet, since 2009, there exists evidence that not only voters, but also political parties assign increasing significance to European elections. While initially ‘issue entrepreneurs’ were held responsible for this development, the latest campaigns have raised the question of whether mainstream parties are finally also campaigning on European issues. In this article, we examine European Union (EU) salience in the 2019 European Parliament (EP) campaigns of government and opposition parties and the predictors of their strategic behaviours. We test the relevance of factors derived from the selective emphasis and the co-orientation approach within an integrated model of strategic campaign communication based on expert evaluations of 191 parties in 28 EU member states. Results show that the traditional expectation that government parties silence EU issues does not hold anymore; instead, the average EU salience of government and opposition parties is similar on the national level. The strongest predictors for a party’s decision to campaign on EU issues are the co-orientation towards the campaign agendas of competing parties, and party’s EU position.


2016 ◽  
Vol 17 (4) ◽  
pp. 593-615 ◽  
Author(s):  
Isabelle Guinaudeau ◽  
Anna M Palau

This article argues that external factors of EU coverage in the media need to be reassessed against domestic factors, in particular how parties modulate media attention to EU affairs. We explain which parties may set the EU on the media agenda, and how parties interact with events depending on the level of conflict over EU issues. Drawing on the first long-term analysis of partisan agenda-setting of EU affairs in the media – based on ARIMA time-series models of monthly data collected for six newspapers from 1990 to 2015 – we determine the scale of partisan agenda-setting and find partial support for our model. Political parties do not face the intrusion of EU issues, but some of them are actively involved in this process.


Author(s):  
Luis F. MAESO SECO

LABURPENA: Lau urte dira Administrazio Publikoko Langileen Oinarrizko Estatutua indarrean sartu zela, baita horren 13. artikulua ere. Artikulu horretan gobernuei (estatukoa eta autonomia erkidegoetakoak) deia egin zitzaien, nahi izanez gero, zuzendaritzako langileen araubidea ezar zezaten. Arrazoi batzuengatik edo beste batzuengatik (aukera politikoa, administrazioaren erresistentzia, kontrako egoera ekonomikoak, eta abar), dei hori ez du aintzat hartu ez estatuko indar legegileak ez estatuko gobernuak. Zenbait autonomia erkidegotako legegileek eta gobernuek, ordea, kontuan izan dute; horiek Administrazio Publikoko Langileen Oinarrizko Estatutua garatu dute —edo garatzeko izapideak egiten ari dira— eta zuzendaritzako langileen araubidea ezarri dute (Valentzian eta Gaztela-Mantxan, esate baterako, onartu dituzte dagoeneko enplegu publikoaren legeak). Horrez gain, horietako batzuek, hemen G10 deitutako taldea osatzen dutenek hain zuzen ere, berrikuntza asko egin dituzte gai honetan. Funtsezko edukietan, Balear Uharteetako Autonomia Erkidegoa eta Euskal Autonomia Erkidegoa nabarmendu dira gainontzekoen gainetik. Horiei buruz mintzatzen da bereziki, bada, azterlana. RESUMEN: Hace ya más de cuatro años que el EBEP entró en vigor y también su artículo 13. Un artículo en el que se hacía una llamada a los ejecutivos (estatal y autonómicos) para que, sí así lo deseaban, estableciesen un régimen del personal directivo. Pues bien, lo cierto es que, por unas razones u otras (de oportunidad política, de resistencias administrativas, de coyunturas económicas desfavorables, etc.), aquella llamada no ha sido atendida por el legislador o el ejecutivo estatal. Pero sí por los legisladores y ejecutivos de varias Comunidades Autónomas que, no sólo no han dudado en desarrollar el EBEP —o están en trámite de hacerlo— y establecer un régimen de su personal directivo (caso de Valencia o de Castilla-La Mancha, con sus leyes de empleo público ya aprobadas), sino que algunas de ellas (las que integran el aquí llamado G10) han innovado de forma considerable en la materia. Destacando en lo sustantivo y por encima del resto, la Comunidad de las Islas Baleares y el País Vasco. A las cuales está dedicado de manera especial este estudio. ABSTRACT: The Basic Statute for Civil Servants (EBEP in Spanish) came into force more than four years ago, and also its article 13. This article 13 made a call to (state and regional) executives to establish a regime for the managerial staff, if they so wished. Well then the truth is that due to different reasons (political opportunity, administrative culture and others related to economic crisis), that call was not taken into account at the State level. However, Legislators and Executives from different Autonomous Communities have responded to this call. On the one hand, by developing the EBEP (or they are in the process of doing so) and by establishing a regime for managerial staff (the case of Valencia and Castilla-La Mancha, whose public employment acts had already been passed). Also and in addi tion, some of them (those members of the so called G10) have made remarkable innovations on the matter. The Communities of the Balearic Islands and Basque Country stand out above the rest, to which this study is specially devoted.


2020 ◽  
pp. 40-46
Author(s):  
Larysa Gorodnycha ◽  
Maryna Olkhovyk ◽  
Svitlana Gergul

The article analyzes hate speech definitions as linguistic and cultural phenomena in the context of an interdisciplinary approach, and describes features of linguistic resources distribution in the texts with the hate speech. The paper deals with the functioning of the concept “hate speech” in the regional media space of Ukraine and Bulgaria. The authors define the causes of the hate speech usage in the media texts and study the hate speech as the source of the modern vocabulary. The article gives deeper understanding of the essence of the concept “hate speech”, more clearly defining its boundaries, reasons for distribution and the main features of the functioning, considering the interdisciplinary approach to its interpretation. The research describes the features of an editor's work on the texts with the hate speech and methods of its neutralization, as well as proven discriminatory manifestation of hate speech in political neologisms as “refugee”, “migrant”, “internally displaced person”. For implementing the goals and objectives of the study, the complex of methods has been used: system approach, monitoring and analysis of the media texts in the regional media, summarizing the results of the analysis.


Author(s):  
Lyudmila Yegorova

The author proposes a new approach to studying regionology, an actively emerging area of research that examines laws of functioning of a region in terms of geographical, geopolitical, geo-economic, information and historical-cultural factors. This approach lies in coordinating the theory of regionality with real facts of a certain territory media history in its dynamic characteristics displayed in media texts. The author points out that active forming of the Crimean identity is a result of the ideas of the Russian world as a uniting factor. The identity features of those who live in the peninsula manifest themselves by the formula “We are Crimean” regardless of a person’s nationality. The identity features of the Crimean people are also determined by the role of the Russian language as an integrative field of communication for the living together representatives of different cultures. Regional mass media have a significant impact on shaping a regional worldview. Applying discourse analysis to the Crimean printed texts the author demonstrates peculiarities of media constructing of the Crimean identity involving geographical, historical, cultural and personal themes. The analysis carried out allows one to conclude that the Crimean (regional) identity corresponds to the professional identity of the journalists who work in the region. This is confirmed by the main regional themes being broadcast by the most popular regional mass media. The Crimean society is a specific regional polyethnic environment formed as the result of long-term and complex cultural and historical development. Characteristics of the key events representation in public space determine their collective comprehension. The regional mass media of the Republic of Crimea through the media texts draw the audience’s attention primarily to the attributes of the unified mentality. It is important that now when several years have passed after the Crimea joined Russia it is the time to interpret this historical event to build a complex hierarchically ordered system of the peninsula citizens’ self-identity.


2005 ◽  
Vol 26 (2) ◽  
pp. 35-52 ◽  
Author(s):  
Raivo Palmaru

Abstract Although numerous studies over the past 20 years have revealed a clear connection between content analysis statistics and the results of public opinion surveys, the media’s “minimal effects” hypothesis still remains the overwhelmingly prevailing view. Among other things, it is not clear which of the two influences the other: Do people’s political preferences influence the media or do the media influence people’s preferences? In order to test this, the results of the 1999 and 2003 general elections and the 2002 local elections in Estonia, as well as the results of current public opinion surveys, were compared to the coverage given to the campaigning parties in the largest Estonian newspapers. The analysis showed that the coverage of political parties in the print media, as determined by the frequency of valuative notations, described the election results to a great extent. It is noteworthy that a change in media content was followed by a change in public opinion. At the same time, an accumulation effect became obvious: The voters’ preferences for political parties accumulated diachronically during the course of several weeks based on the information that was available to them.


2020 ◽  
Vol 11 (87) ◽  
Author(s):  
Yana Tikan ◽  
◽  
Kateryna Potapenko ◽  

The work is devoted to topical problems of functioning and translation of expressive vocabulary in media texts of modern English-language press. The study defines the concept of "media text". Stylistic features of English – language media texts are characterized. It is noted that the language of English-language media texts has certain features and directions for certain categories of readers. The analysis of English-language media proved the direct relationship between the degree of complexity of the selected language tools and socio-cultural specific features of the target audience. Linguistic practice of mass media determines the main tendencies of development of lexical-semantic, word-forming and syntactic structures of language. The language of the media is singled out as a separate background in journalism, which has its own genre and language features. Expressiveness is a property of language units to reinforce the logical and emotional meaning of what is said. Expression is a set of semantic and stylistic features of speech expressiveness, such as quality, due to which stylistic marking (emotionality) is achieved. The concepts of expression and expressiveness are different: expression serves to increase and enhance expressiveness, and expressiveness is that expressiveness. Expressive vocabulary is constantly updated and supplemented with new lexical and semantic variants. It is emphasized that a significant part of the specific vocabulary in the English-language media is expressive vocabulary. The concepts of expressive vocabulary and their functionality in media text are considered. The results of the analysis allow us to conclude that expressive vocabulary is quite common in newspaper texts, which is reflected in articles on various topics (economic, business, entertainment, youth newspapers, etc.), creating a stylistic effect in each of them. It is noted that the transfer of expressive English vocabulary in the Ukrainian language is carried out with the involvement of such translation methods as assimilation, descriptive translation, tracing, transcription, transliteration.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document