scholarly journals Politicized Transnationalism: The Visegrád Countries in the Refugee Crisis

2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 95-106 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael Koß ◽  
Astrid Séville
Keyword(s):  
Regional Integration ◽  
European Politics ◽  
Refugee Crisis ◽  
Dominant Position ◽  
Prime Ministers ◽  
Economic Preferences ◽  
Visegrad Group ◽  
Collective Actor ◽  
Visegrád Countries ◽  
The Eu

Existing research on the evolution of European integration has pitted economic against identity issues. In the economic sphere, governments are arguably able to pursue their preferences more independently. If, however, identity issues become politicized this is supposed to suggest that governments lose their dominant position in integration and gradually become agents of Eurosceptic parties and/or electorates. This article looks at a phenomenon neither the intergovernmentalist nor the postfunctionalist perspective can fully explain: the emergence of the Visegrád Group (V4) as a collective actor in European politics in early 2016. This emergence occurred in the wake of the refugee crisis during which the identity issue of migration was politicized. However, there was no coherent partisan composition uniting V4 governments. Based on a sequence elaboration of all press statements of meetings of the V4 Prime Ministers since their EU-accession in 2004, we show that what at first sight appears to be informed by anti-immigrant and Eurosceptic sentiments may in fact display a more ambivalent position towards regional integration. The post-refugee crisis V4 appears as a case of politicized transnationalism—that is, cooperation to achieve transnational interests under the condition of politicization. This transnational interest not only comprised opposition to a relocation of migrants, but also the maintenance of a core transnational freedom within the EU, namely free movement under the Schengen acquis. We conclude that, under the condition of increasing politicization, identity issues help to forge government alliances of governments pursuing economic preferences.

scholarly journals Slovakia and V4: European Dimension

2020 ◽  
Vol 17 (5) ◽  
pp. 38-44
Author(s):  
Viktor Nikitin ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
Prime Ministers ◽  
European Dimension ◽  
Angela Merkel ◽  
Visegrad Group ◽  
Positive Effect ◽  
Government Coalition ◽  
Visegrád Countries ◽  
The Eu

After the formation in March 2020 of a new government coalition led by Igor Matovic, the Slovak government has adopted the foreign policy concept analyzing the European agenda. The Slovak Prime Minister participates in several meetings of the EU Council and at the EU summit on July 17-21, 2020. Before his arrival in Brussels, the Slovak politician visited all the countries of the Visegrad Four. Both the meetings of the EU Council and bilateral and multilateral negotiations within the Visegrad Group had a pronounced «pandemic» component: they mainly discussed the EU instruments for overcoming the consequences of COVID-19 (EU budget, Recovery Fund and Next generation EU). The organization of a videoconference between the Prime Ministers of the Central European countries and the German Chancellor Angela Merkel on May 19, 2020, had a very positive effect on the satisfactory results for the Visegrad countries of the EU Summit. As the pandemic subsides, on the agenda of European Council appeared foreign policy issues, especially the Belarus crises.

Central and Eastern Europe: The New Core or the Periphery of Europe?

2020 ◽  
pp. 162-181
Author(s):  
Ireneusz Paweł Karolewski
Keyword(s):  
Eastern Europe ◽  
Rule Of Law ◽  
Central And Eastern Europe ◽  
Domestic Politics ◽  
Eastern European ◽  
Refugee Crisis ◽  
The Rule Of Law ◽  
Policy Fields ◽  
Visegrad Group ◽  
The Eu

This chapter focuses on Central and Eastern European (CEE) member states of the EU, and how they positioned themselves in the new constellation of conflicts within the EU in the aftermath of the multiple crisis. It deals mainly with the Visegrad Group (V4) and explores its ‘repositioning’ in regard to two crisis-ridden policy fields of the EU: controversies about the rule of law and the refugee crisis. With regard to the former issue, the chapter discusses Poland as the most prominent case among the CEE countries. Against this background, it highlights two specific aspects of domestic politics: the memory games that the V4 countries play with their past and the Euroscepticism of government circles as well as a broader public.

What is the image of refugees in Central European media?

2020 ◽  
pp. 136754942095157
Author(s):  
Andrea Průchová Hrůzová
Keyword(s):  
Mixed Method ◽  
Visual Analysis ◽  
Young Female ◽  
Online Media ◽  
Refugee Crisis ◽  
Central European ◽  
Central European Region ◽  
The Media ◽  
Visegrad Group ◽  
Visegrád Countries

Of late, the national and the international politics of Central Europe have been preoccupied with the issue of migration, an issue labelled ‘the refugee crisis’ by the media. This article examines whether the strong anti-immigrant rhetoric which has become common in the countries of the Visegrad Group (CZ, SK, PL, HU) can also be found in the photographs of refugees produced and circulated by their most popular online media. The systematically designed mixed-method visual analysis, which is applied to pictures from a 1-year period between April 2015 and April 2016, reveals a set of repeatedly displayed visual figures such as a young female victim, children imprisoned behind a fence or a silent mass of bodies. The research shows that these figures are not only common to all the Visegrad countries, but they also significantly correspond to the transnational image of refugees. The text deconstructs a three-part story of the ‘refugee crisis’ and how it was told by Central European online media. It emphasises the stereotypical gender construction of the figures of refugees, links the visual analysis to several theories of the photography of suffering and, finally, provides a description of how a collective symbolic imagination of refugees operates through media in the Central European region.

scholarly journals Perspectives for German-Polish Relations in the EU-27

2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 37-50
Author(s):  
Christian Schweiger
Keyword(s):  
Sovereign Debt ◽  
Eurozone Crisis ◽  
The Future ◽  
Angela Merkel ◽  
Migration Crisis ◽  
Visegrad Group ◽  
Governance Architecture ◽  
Visegrád Countries ◽  
The Eu

In recent years the seemingly firm historical ties between Warsaw and Berlin have become increasingly strained. This results from a growing political asymmetry between the two countries. Germany moved into a semi-hegemonial position under the conditions of the triple crisis of banking, economy and sovereign debt in the eurozone. Consequently, German chancellor Angela Merkel was in a strong enough position to implement ordoliberal reforms of the eurozone’s governance architecture, which were promoted as an approach without alternatives. Merkel maintained her uncompromising stance during the migration crisis in the summer of 2015, when she demanded implementation of compulsory migrant distribution quotas across the EU. Poland and the Visegrád countries had initially strongly supported German leadership in resolving the eurozone crisis. The alienation from Germany’s European agenda however became significant under the conditions of the migration crisis. Here the firm opposition of Poland and the rest of the Visegrád Group towards Germany’s preferences shows a strategic mismatch between the EU’s liberal core, which is spearheaded by Germany, and the concept of the “illiberal” state, which Poland has embraced under the PiS government. The willingness to resolve these differences will be crucial in determining the future shape of Polish-German relations.

scholarly journals Globalisation Scepticism in the Visegrad Countries

2021 ◽  
Vol 50 (4) ◽  
pp. 429-451
Author(s):  
Marianna Dudášová
Keyword(s):  
Public Opinion ◽  
European Integration ◽  
The European Union ◽  
The Public ◽  
Parallel Processes ◽  
Recent Developments ◽  
Different Dimensions ◽  
Visegrad Group ◽  
Visegrád Countries ◽  
The Eu

Recent developments in the European Union revealed significant differences between the Visegrad countries and the remaining members of the EU. The enlargement euphoria of the first decade of the 21st century was replaced by certain enlargement fatigue, manifesting itself not only in concrete governmental policies but also in the public opinion towards the EU. As European integration and globalisation are parallel processes, declining support for European integration must not necessarily be the result of disagreement with specific policies and should be examined in the broader context of globalisation fears and anxieties. The article describes variations in globalisation scepticism between the group of Visegrad countries and the remaining countries of the EU as well as variations within the Visegrad group itself, focusing on the main drivers of economic globalisation – international trade, foreign direct investment, and immigration. The development of public opinion since the financial and economic crisis in 2009 indicates that Visegrad countries should not be treated as a uniform bloc of globalisation sceptics as there are significant differences in opinion between the more pessimistic Czechs and Slovaks and the more optimistic Poles and Hungarians. Their globalisation scepticism also varies across different dimensions of globalisation and is fuelled by different motivations.

scholarly journals Was ist wirklich dran an der deutschen Führungsrolle in der EU?

2016 ◽  
Vol 46 (182) ◽  
pp. 145-151
Author(s):  
Peter Wahl
Keyword(s):  
Common Sense ◽  
Soft Power ◽  
Refugee Crisis ◽  
Visegrad Group ◽  
Power Hierarchy ◽  
The Eu

There was a common sense among the mainstream of the European Left that Germany has become the hegemon in the EU. The refugee crisis reveals that this narrative was premature. The article clarifies central concepts such as dominance, hegemony and leadership and analyses the German power behind its military, economic, political and soft power potential. It concludes that only on economic terrain Germany is ahead of its main rivals France and UK. But the country does not have a sufficient potential for a hegemon. Hence, the traditional power hierarchy in the EU prevails with the French-German condominium on top, while coalitions of opponents, such as the Visegrad Group, successfully resists any leadership in specific areas.

Visegrad Cooperation: Search of New Forms amidst Ukrainian Crisis

2015 ◽  
pp. 76-85
Author(s):  
D. Ofitserov-Bel'skiy
Keyword(s):  
The United States ◽  
Great Powers ◽  
Key Factors ◽  
East European ◽  
The Common ◽  
Ukrainian Crisis ◽  
External Actors ◽  
Visegrad Group ◽  
Visegrád Countries ◽  
The Eu

The article discusses the evolution of the Visegrad partnership. It never had integrative capacity, but in recent years accumulated the integration potential in regional relations. The common position formation principles in international policy are being carried out by the Visegrad Four. Notable is the emergence of really important issues and explicit politicization of the agenda. The defense theme, the problem of energy security, coordination of positions on the EU budget etc. were included into discussions. At the same time, exacerbated contradictions exist in these areas. Key factors currently affecting the development of the Visegrad Group are: the confrontation of great powers in the region, the inert nature of relationship between the Visegrad countries and the United States, the anarchy in European policy, the prevalence of extra-regional conditions and incentives, the lack of specific regional rules and the void of its institutionalization. The Ukrainian crisis once again emphasizes the importance of the regional policy external actors – the U.S., Germany, Russia and the Brussels EU bureaucracy. It was the cause of the schism emerging in East European politics, and slowed down the process of the intra-regional incentives formation as well as of the communications concentration. It is forcing the Visegrad countries to grasp their limitrophe position. A perspective of the Visegrad partnership is unclear, but it is noteworthy that regional relations become increasingly important for their participants.

scholarly journals The Visegrad Group as an Ambitious Actor of (Central-)European Foreign and Security Policy

2018 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 9-20
Author(s):  
Ladislav Cabada ◽  
Šárka Waisová
Keyword(s):  
Cyber Security ◽  
Security Policy ◽  
Western Balkans ◽  
Proactive Approach ◽  
Foreign And Security Policy ◽  
European Neighborhood Policy ◽  
Migration Crisis ◽  
Visegrad Group ◽  
Collective Actor ◽  
The Eu

Abstract Even after achieving its goals, i.e. the entrance of member states into NATO and the EU, the Visegrad Group has managed to profile itself as a significant collective actor. Analyses to date clearly show that the group is able to function as a distinct and even key actor in various policies, including those within the EU; this statement is without doubt valid primarily for the region of the European neighborhood policy and the Eastern partnership, but also for enlargement policy and its clear targeting of the Western Balkans. We can also observe a highly proactive approach in issues linked to security, primarily in the energy sector and recently also cyber security. Nonetheless, all of these and many other significant V4 activities have been overshadowed of late by dispute between the group and a significant portion of members states on perspectives regarding the migration crisis including the tools to deal with it or preventive measures to prevent it from continuing or repeating. This stance on the issue, however, can be seen as proof of the relative power and success of the V4.

scholarly journals Migration Crisis - A Main Priority for the Fifth Polish Presidency of the Visegrád Group

2018 ◽  
Vol 24 (2) ◽  
pp. 194-199
Author(s):  
Diana Ivanova
Keyword(s):  
Czech Republic ◽  
The Czech Republic ◽  
The Future ◽  
Migration Crisis ◽  
Visegrad Group ◽  
Visegrád Countries ◽  
The Eu

Abstract The migration crisis and related challenges for the future of the Schengen area are some of the main problems facing the EU. The opinion of the Visegrad Four on this issue, however, seriously differs from that of Brussels. Poland, Hungary, the Czech Republic and Slovakia are firmly against the quota principle in the allocation of migrants. The aim of this article is to present the migrant crisis as a top priority during the fifth in the history Polish rotating presidency of the Visegrad Four - from July 1, 2016 to June 30, 2017. This objective will be realized through the implementation of basic tasks - analysis of the documents adopted at the forums of the organization, and the views of leading politicians from the Visegrad countries

scholarly journals Experience of the Visegrad Countries in the Fight against the Pandemic

2021 ◽  
pp. 111-117
Author(s):  
Lyubov Shishelina ◽  
Keyword(s):  
European Countries ◽  
Third Wave ◽  
Central European ◽  
Legal Security ◽  
Low Incidence ◽  
Restrictive Measures ◽  
Second Wave ◽  
Visegrad Group ◽  
Visegrád Countries ◽  
The Eu

The article analyzes the experience of the Visegrad Group countries in the fight against the coronavirus pandemic. The relatively low incidence in the first wave of the spread of the disease allowed us to conclude that Budapest, Bratislava, Warsaw and Prague could have been marked by a special progress on this path. Indeed, the comparatively low infection and deaths rates here were significantly lower than in Western European countries. However, with the entry into the second wave, the situation began to deteriorate rapidly. Moreover, the evident difficulties that the governments had been facing, frequently pointed to the efforts of the opposition to use this situation to its profit. In the countries themselves, disputes over the legal security of the imposed restrictive measures and the means of supporting the population have escalated. In foreign policy – at the background of a pandemic there gained a new stage the efforts of the Brussels to press upon Budapest and Warsaw the EU rules of the primacy of law. On the eve of the already apparent third wave of pandemic, countries have begun vaccinating the population, but this is also not progressing as easily as expected. Firstly, they are tragically lacking in vaccine? And the Brussels seems helpless to improve the situation; secondly, it is not fully clear in what conditions and who can and should be vaccinated; and thirdly, the bias against the Russian vaccine continues to operate. However those were the Central European countries who started examining the Russian vaccine as well as the possible outcome from the situation.

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