The Anthropologist on a Community Rehabilitation Project

1993 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 18-20 ◽  
Author(s):  
Liya Tal

The neighborhood I refer to as the Shalom Quarter is situated in a small town in the north of Israel. The quarter was built in the early 1970s, and most of its residents came to Israel in the years 1973-78. Up to 85 percent of the residents originally came from the former Soviet Union, with about 60 percent of this group from Soviet Georgia.

Author(s):  
Peter Rutland

This chapter examines US foreign policy in Russia. The collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991 raised a number of questions that have profound implications for American foreign policy; for example, whether the Russian Federation, which inherited half the population and 70 per cent of the territory of the former Soviet Union, would become a friend and partner of the United States, a full and equal member of the community of democratic nations, or whether it would return to a hostile, expansionary communist or nationalist power. The chapter considers US–Russia relations at various times under Bill Clinton, Boris Yeltsin, George W. Bush, Vladimir Putin, Barack Obama, Dmitry Medvedev, and Donald Trump. It also discusses a host of issues affecting the US–Russia relations, including the enlargement of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), the crisis in Kosovo and Ukraine, and the civil war in Syria.


2018 ◽  
Vol 2018 (2) ◽  
pp. 60-76
Author(s):  
Miłosz Rusiecki

Abstract The article describes participation of Mi-2 helicopters in both military and civilian operations at sea. Although the multipurpose Mi-2 rotorcraft were not designed to operate in the harsh environment over the sea, they became - in the second half of the 1960s and in the 1970s - a standard type performing a wide array of tasks at sea. Modern turboshaft engines, a favorable weight-to-power ratio and a dual engine configuration were all factors enabling safe flight over the sea, at considerable distances from land. The specialized Mi-2RM variant designed by WSK PZL Świdnik provided the Naval Aviation with an opportunity to establish, in the 1st half of the 1970s, a unique marine air rescue system. The last Mi-2RM used for rescue missions was decommissioned as late as in 2010, although at that stage it was only used for aircrew training purposes. The Navy was also using the Mi-2Ch variant tasked with creating smokescreens to conceal vessels and port facilities. General purpose variants of the helicopter were used to transport people and goods. They also performed well during patrolling missions and while identifying various types of contamination. As far as civilian use of the helicopters is concerned, Mi-2 versions equipped with special purpose on-board systems supported scientists in the exploration of the Antarctica at two stations of the Polish Academy of Science. The Maritime Authority in Gdynia was also using its own Mi-2 helicopter for over 30 years - until 2015 - for patrolling the Gdańsk and Puck Bays and waters around the Hel Peninsula. The missions were focusing primarily on detecting potential contamination of the coastal areas. In the former Soviet Union, civilian Mi-2 variants were (and still are) standard equipment of deep sea icebreakers operating in the Arctic and around the North Pole. The machines are mainly used for safety purposes, as well as for transporting scientists and groups of extreme tourists. Approximately a dozen Mi-2 purchased from Russia in the mid-1990s, in turn, were used by the Aviation Force of the Mexican Navy. Unfortunately, no further details regarding their use are available.


2020 ◽  
Vol 29 (5) ◽  
pp. 127-135 ◽  
Author(s):  
M. A. Suchkov

The article addresses the problems of inclusive education development through the prism of ethnocultural factors. A small comparative analysis of inclusive education development is given: legislative and law basis, cultural traditions in Russia and Kyrgyzstan, language and customs. The ethnocultural factor of inclusive education development is expressed through the language of “study” at schools and professional educational organizations. The author emphasizes the signs of our time – language assimilation in the countries of the former Soviet Union. It is shown that many parents in the north of Kyrgyzstan send their children, including children with disabilities, to study at Russian schools, and it causes additional barriers in learning, along with the barriers caused by physical and intellectual disabilities.


2017 ◽  
Vol 25 (2) ◽  
pp. 127
Author(s):  
Aigerim Ibrayeva ◽  
Raikhan Tashtemkhanova ◽  
Aigerim Ospanova ◽  
Baubek Somzhurek ◽  
Aiman Azmukhanova

Energy security has emerged in recent years as one of the cornerstones of the European Union’s (EU’s) foreign policy. The EU is highly dependent on imports of oil and gas, 35 per cent of which comes from Russia. Diversification of energy supplies is thus a key goal for the EU. The Caspian region contains some of the largest undeveloped oil and gas reserves in the world. The intense interest shown by the major international oil and gas companies testifies to its potential. Although the area is unlikely to become “another Middle East”, it could become a major oil supplier at the margin, much as the North Sea is today. As such it could help increase world energy security by diversifying global sources of supply. Development of the region’s resources still faces considerable obstacles. This study focuses on the countries along the southern rim of the former Soviet Union that are endowed with significant oil and gas resources: Kazakhstan, Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan in Central Asia, and Azerbaijan in Transcaucasia. The Southern Energy Corridor (SEC), which aims to link Caspian Basin and potentially Middle East gas supplies to Europe, is one of the EU’s six priority axes of energy infrastructures. Drawing on the external governance literature, this article provides an analysis of the EU’s efforts in the wider Black Sea area to increase its energy security. It concludes that despite difficult domestic and geopolitical obstacles, the EU is pushing forward its objective to establish the SEC.


1995 ◽  
Vol 23 (2) ◽  
pp. 481-483
Author(s):  
T. A. Actoṅ

In May 1992 an international conference examining the fate of minorities in the former Soviet Union was organized jointly by the Kennan Institute (DC) and Michigan State University. Fourteen speakers were invited from Moscow, St. Petersburgh, the north Caucasus, Ukraine, Uzbekistan, Moldova, and Lithuania; among them was Dr Ramazan Abdulatipov, Chairman of the Chamber of Nationalities of the Russian Parliament. The immediate impetus for the conference was a national survey of 6,500 Russians in 16 non-Russian regions of the former Soviet Union. The survey was conducted in August and September of 1991 by the Center of Public Opinion Studies in Moscow on the basis of a program prepared by Vladimir Shlapentokh and Lev Gudkov.


Author(s):  
Александр Стефанович Иващенко

Дезинтеграция гигантского по численности населения и территории, полиэтничного и поликонфессионального государства, каким был Советский Союз, изначально не могла пройти безболезненно и без потерь. Национальным политическим элитам бывших советских союзных республик, в целом благодаря выдержке и политической дальновидности, удалось избежать «кровавого развода» по «югославскому сценарию». Однако полностью предотвратить жёсткий конфликт интересов, переросший, к сожалению, в военные столкновения на постсоветском пространстве, не удалось. К Нагорному Карабаху, Приднестровью, Абхазии, Южной Осетии, ставшими «точками напряжения» на территории бывшего Советского Союза ещё в 90-е гг. ХХ в., во втором десятилетии ХХI столетия прибавился Донбасс. В статье предпринята попытка проанализировать мотивы и содержание политико-дипломатических действий России по отношению к развитию грузино-абхазского конфликта в постсоветский период и их последствия для Грузии и Абхазии. Автор вскрывает перипетии внутриполитической борьбы в российской политической элите в 90-е гг. ХХ в. при выработке политики Москвы по отношению к грузино-абхазскому конфликту. Затрагивается острая проблема совместимости принципа территориальной целостности полиэтничного государства с принципом права народов на самоопределение, вплоть до полного отделения. Поддержав Абхазию в конфликте с Грузией, Москва укрепила свой авторитет среди северокавказских народов, но ценой потери добрососедских отношений с Грузией. The disintegration of a large population and territory, multi-ethnic and multi-confessional state, as the Soviet Union was, could not initially go painlessly and without loss. The national political elites of the former Soviet Union republics, in general, thanks to endurance and political foresight, managed to avoid a "bloody divorce" like the "Yugoslav scenario". However, it was not possible to completely prevent a severe conflict of interest, which, unfortunately, grew into military clashes in the post-Soviet space. In the second decade of the 21st century, Donbass was added to Nagorno-Karabakh, Transnistria, Abkhazia, South Ossetia, which became "points of tension" in the territory of the former Soviet Union back in the 1990s. The paper attempts to analyze the motives and content of Russia's political and diplomatic actions in relation to the development of the Georgian-Abkhaz conflict in the post-Soviet period, and their consequences for Georgia and Abkhazia. The author reveals the vicissitudes of internal political struggle in the Russian political elite in the 1990s when developing Moscow's policy towards the Georgian-Abkhaz conflict. The publication raises the urgent problem of the compatibility of the principle of the territorial integrity of a multi-ethnic State with the principle of the right of peoples to self-determination, up to and including full secession. By supporting Abkhazia in the conflict with Georgia, Moscow strengthened its authority among the North Caucasus peoples, but at the cost of losing good-neighborly relations with Georgia.


2016 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 19-31
Author(s):  
Hikmat Shah Afridi ◽  
Sumayya Bibi ◽  
Bilal Muhammad

Gwadar Port is the mega project of ongoing developmental projects in Balochistan which is shaping the economy of the World. The port is creating opportunities and possibilities for promoting regional and international shipping and it will resuscitate trade links between China and CARs being the closest route to warm waters. Gwadar Port has vast region to influence; stretching up to several breakaway states of the former Soviet Union in the north, to Iran, the Gulf, the Middle East and East Africa in the west, to India and Sri Lanka in the south. Moreover, this deep port is serving the Gulf and East African ports with fast feeder services. It has deep-water sea complementary to Karachi and Bin Qasim ports for enhancing cargo shipments and therefore it will be a mother port for Asia in the coming years.


Slavic Review ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 79 (2) ◽  
pp. 284-287
Author(s):  
Paul Josephson

In the thirty years since the Chernobyl disaster we have learned a great deal about the causes of the accident, the human side of the story of those who worked at the station, the operators and their families in the now-abandoned nearby town of Pripyat, the hundreds of thousands of “liquidators,” and the millions of individuals affected by fallout, including some 300,000 who were evacuated from various exclusion zones and heavily affected rural areas, mostly to the north and east in (Soviet) Belarus, Ukraine, and small parts of Russia. What are the long term consequences of radioactive fallout to land and living things? How many people have and will die from exposure to radioactivity? In Manual for Survival, Kate Brown documents the efforts of scientists and doctors in Belarus and Ukraine to understand the short- and long-term impact of radiation exposure on Soviet and post-Soviet citizens, and the challenges even to simple data collection. Her conclusions stand in stark contrast to those of the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA), the World Health Organization (WHO), and the United Nations (UN) Scientific Committee on the Effects of Atomic Radiation that estimated perhaps 5,000 total deaths. The numbers will be much higher, perhaps on the order of 10,000 or 50,000 excess cancers and premature deaths. But we shall never know with certainty owing to a variety of factors—including the challenges of conducting research in the former Soviet Union, the obfuscation of data in some quarters who appear to seek to minimize the impact, and scientific uncertainty itself.


1998 ◽  
Vol 26 (4) ◽  
pp. 633-657 ◽  
Author(s):  
Brian J. Boeck

The Cossacks are coming straight out of some nineteenth century nightmare. Those fearsome horsemen once again stalk the Russian steppes, whips stashed in their belts, defending God and country and longing for the restoration of the Romanov dynasty.Kyle Crichton,New York TimesThe emergence of a strong Cossack movement has great implications for the future of Russia and the post-Soviet space. It is at once the glorification of a mythical past and a powerful alternate vision of the future. Old questions of Cossack identity are once again being debated and a Cossack presence is strongly felt in the cities of southern Russia. In the volatile North Caucasus region the Cossack revival has increasingly assumed many of the features of national movements in other areas of the former Soviet Union.


2012 ◽  
Vol 17 (2) ◽  
pp. 158-167 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yoav Lavee ◽  
Ludmila Krivosh

This research aims to identify factors associated with marital instability among Jewish and mixed (Jewish and non-Jewish) couples following immigration from the former Soviet Union. Based on the Strangeness Theory and the Model of Acculturation, we predicted that non-Jewish immigrants would be less well adjusted personally and socially to Israeli society than Jewish immigrants and that endogamous Jewish couples would have better interpersonal congruence than mixed couples in terms of personal and social adjustment. The sample included 92 Jewish couples and 92 ethnically-mixed couples, of which 82 couples (40 Jewish, 42 mixed) divorced or separated after immigration and 102 couples (52 Jewish, 50 ethnically mixed) remained married. Significant differences were found between Jewish and non-Jewish immigrants in personal adjustment, and between endogamous and ethnically-mixed couples in the congruence between spouses in their personal and social adjustment. Marital instability was best explained by interpersonal disparity in cultural identity and in adjustment to life in Israel. The findings expand the knowledge on marital outcomes of immigration, in general, and immigration of mixed marriages, in particular.


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