scholarly journals The Common Agricultural Policy and the EU budget: stasis or change?

2013 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 119 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alan Greer

After highlighting the budgetary context and the historical trends on the funding of the CAP, this paper considers contemporary debates about its reform in the context of two ‘historic firsts’. Negotiations about the multiannual financial framework (MFF) for 2014-20 for the first time took place in tandem with a proposed CAP reform, within the broader context set by the financial crisis after 2008. Second, the CAP reform debates took place within the new institutional arrangements introduced in the Lisbon Treaty, which by extending the co-decision mechanism to the CAP potentially has increased the influence of the European Parliament (EP). Indeed the CAP reform dossiers were the first real test of these new arrangements and provide an insight into how the new institutional structure will work in practice. In both cases the paper highlights a continuing cleavage among member states and stakeholder interests  - that maps partly onto a broader budgetary gainers/losers division - between advocates of radical reform (e.g. the UK, Sweden) and those who favour the retention of the traditional CAP (such as France, Spain and Ireland).

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
André S. Berne ◽  
Jelena Ceranic Perisic ◽  
Viorel Cibotaru ◽  
Alex de Ruyter ◽  
Ivana Kunda ◽  
...  

Crises are not a new phenomenon in the context of European integration. Additional integration steps could often only be achieved under the pressure of crises.  At present, however, the EU is characterised by multiple crises, so that the integration process as a whole is sometimes being questioned. In 2015, the crisis in the eurozone had escalated to such an extent that for the first time a member state was threatened to leave the eurozone. Furthermore, the massive influx of refugees into the EU has revealed the shortcomings of the Schengen area and the common asylum policy. Finally, with the majority vote of the British in the referendum of 23 June 2016 in favour of the Brexit, the withdrawal of a member state became a reality for the first time. Even in the words of the European Commission, the EU has reached a crossroads. Against this background, the twelfth Network Europe conference included talks on the numerous challenges and future integration scenarios in Europe. 


Significance For the first time, there is a sustained increase in support for Scottish independence. The main reasons include dislike of UK Prime Minister Boris Johnson and his cabinet north of the border, the UK government’s pursuit of a ‘hard’ Brexit and questions about its response to the COVID-19 pandemic. Impacts Soaring Scottish unemployment when the UK furlough schemes end would undermine London’s claim to be protecting Scottish jobs. Rising support for Scottish independence could prompt the UK government to seek a closer trade agreement with the EU. The UK government will be unable to conceal the economic impacts of Brexit under the economic fallout of COVID-19. A Scottish vote for independence would put huge pressure on the UK government to resign and call early elections.


1996 ◽  
Vol 158 ◽  
pp. 36-63
Author(s):  
Ray Barrell ◽  
Julian Morgan ◽  
Nigel Pain ◽  
Florence Hubert

There was a pause in growth in a number of European economies around the end of 1995, with weak domestic demand leading to moves to return stocks to more normal levels. This was exacerbated by bad weather in the first quarter of 1996. Rather pessimistic conclusions were widely drawn from these few months, but recent developments, especially in Germany have made us, and others, more optimistic about the short-term prospects. In the EU as a whole output rose by 0.49 per cent in the first quarter. Whilst output in France and Italy appears to have declined in the second quarter, in part due to statistical factors arising from the extra working day in the first quarter, growth remained at or above trend levels in the UK, Spain, the Netherlands and Denmark, and recovered significantly in Germany. Industrial output in Germany rose continually in the six months to August, with manufacturing output at its highest level since 1992. This has begun to be reflected elsewhere in the EU, with industrial confidence rising for the first time in 19 months.


2021 ◽  
Vol 108 (Supplement_6) ◽  
Author(s):  
A Curtis

Abstract Aim Obtaining a training number in Trauma & Orthopaedics (T&O) remains highly competitive. This study aims to provide an insight into applicant’s perceptions and preparation for the T&O national selection interview. Method 162 junior doctors applying to T&O national selection in 2021 were sent questionnaires using SurveyMonkey in December 2020. Applicants were identified from those attending the annual OrthoRevision ‘ST3 Core Knowledge Interview Course’. In total, 74 junior doctors (45.7%) covering all 16 surgical training regions in the UK completed feedback. Results There were wide variations in how much applicants would spend on preparation for the interview (e.g., books, revision websites, courses): 45.9% spend £100 - £500; 21.6% spend £500-£1,000; and 6.8% spend >£1,000. Most start preparation 3 months prior to the interview (42.5%) with the preferred method being practice with colleagues (49.3%). Almost all candidates (80.2%) use the ‘OrthoInterview’ question bank. Free mock interview courses were only available to 27% with candidates strongly in favour (78%) of the study budget covering preparatory courses in addition to study leave being granted to attend these courses (86%). At the first attempt at obtaining a training number, 69.9% were selective about where they would accept a job; in subsequent years candidates would be more willing to accept a job in any deanery (40.3%). Conclusions For the first time, we present the perceptions of applicants to T&O national training in the UK. Many candidates dedicate a large amount of time and money to the process and are initially more selective about where they apply.


2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 141-154
Author(s):  
Anna Doliwa-Klepacka

In the commented judgment the Court of Justice has, for the first time, made an analysis of the legal nature of Article 78(3) TFEU including in particular the understanding of the concepts contained in that provision and the conditions for its application. This provision allows the Council to adopt the non-legislative acts in case of a sudden influx of migrants from third countries into the territory of the Member States. The Court also characterized the temporary relocation mechanism as a part of the common asylum system of the EU and a crisis management measure and examined the provisions of Council Decision 2015/1601, obligating the Member States to relocate 120000 persons staying in Italy and Greece – in the light of the notions used in Article 78(3) TFEU.


2019 ◽  
Vol 7 (3) ◽  
pp. 40-50 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christilla Roederer-Rynning ◽  
Alan Matthews

Suppose we were in 2028: what would the Common Agricultural Policy (CAP) look like then? Would it be significantly different from the policy we know today? How, and why? And to what extent would Brexit have catalyzed these changes? The CAP is one of the founding policies of the EU and a strategic lever to address critical 21st century challenges such as climate change and the rising demand for food at the global level. It also has an important role in Europe to address the growing urban-rural divide and its potentially destabilizing impact on European politics. In this article, we examine the impact of Brexit from a political-economic perspective emphasizing the multi-level context within which the CAP is embedded. As an EU member state, the UK found a way to partly accommodate the CAP to its needs even though this policy was a source of intense UK dissatisfaction with the EU. Post-Brexit, the budgetary and market implications of the UK’s departure may favour positions that support a return to a more traditional policy of farm income support. On the other hand, more radical farm policies in England and Wales could partly offset these effects by setting the agenda for continued CAP reform, if they are seen to be successful.


2020 ◽  
Vol 36 (6) ◽  
pp. 168
Author(s):  
Chu Thanh Van

Throughout the UK’s integration into the EU (1973-2016), referendums were considered and used as an effective political tool for the Government to negotiate with the common people on important issues. During the period of 43 years, the Government called for their practices 12 times with an uneven frequency between the UK’s leaders, namely the UK’s Prime Ministers. One important notice is that among the 12 referendums, only two have direct links to the relationship between the UK and the EU. This article looks into the use of referendums in the UK in general and the two that are directly related to the EU in particular in the period of 1973-2016. Its conclusion and findings are expected to help outline the usage of this political tool in the contemporary and futuristic climax of the country.


Subject Uranium prices and nuclear power. Significance The price of uranium breached 25 dollars per pound this month for the first time since last August. Boosted by Kazakhstan, the source of 41% of global uranium supplies, announcing last month that it will reduce production by 10% in 2017, the metal's price has been gradually recovering from last November's twelve-year low of 18 dollars per pound. However, the market remains oversupplied. Impacts Brexit may leave the UK nuclear sector without a regulator and short of fuel (21% of UK electricity generation is nuclear). Vietnam has abandoned its long-delayed plan to build its first nuclear power plant. South Africa has started a procurement programme to add 9.6 gigawatts of nuclear capacity. The EU has approved the 4.5-billion-euro (4.8-billion-dollar) restructuring plan of the French nuclear group Areva.


Animals ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 9 (11) ◽  
pp. 877
Author(s):  
Steven P. McCulloch

The British people voted in a 2016 referendum to leave the European Union (EU). Brexit presents threats and opportunities to animal protection in the United Kingdom (UK), the EU, and internationally. This paper discusses opportunities for animal protection in terms of five criteria. These are first, political context; second, regulatory changes; third, economic and trade factors; fourth, institutional- and capacity-related factors; and fifth, EU and international considerations. Brexit permits reform of UK agricultural policy outside of the Common Agricultural Policy (CAP) to reward high welfare as a public good. The Agriculture Bill, however, does not suggest a radical reform agenda for animal welfare. Brexit permits a ban on live exports, but the UK Government is consulting on improving welfare, not prohibition. Brexit provides an opportunity to ban the import and sale of fur, but the UK Government has signalled it will work to improve welfare in fur farming. Brexit permits the UK to prohibit the import and sale of foie gras, but the Government has stated a ban may be challenged at the World Trade Organisation (WTO). Brexit allows more stringent Pet Travel Scheme (PETS) requirements to reduce puppy smuggling. Lucy’s Law and stricter enforcement will also mitigate the problem. New sentience legislation provides the opportunity for a fully independent and properly constituted UK Animal Welfare Advisory body conducting animal welfare impact assessments and ethical appraisal. The Government has proposed sentience legislation but there is a major risk it will not be in place before the UK leaves the EU. The Government has expanded the remit of the Farm Animal Welfare Committee, which is not fully independent and is dominated by veterinary members and agricultural interests. Brexit provides some opportunities for animal protection with radical reform of agricultural policy, prohibition of live exports, and banning the import and sale of fur and foie gras. Pre-Brexit, the Government has not demonstrated the political will and commitment to realise these opportunities.


2016 ◽  
Vol 12 (3) ◽  
pp. 135
Author(s):  
Seyed Mohammad Mousavi ◽  
Arash Babaei ◽  
Shamsollah Khatami ◽  
Yousef Jafarzadi

<p>One characteristic of the force of law in the country, the integrity of the rules in all areas of all aspects of creation into account the distinction between crime and the crime and failed or incomplete in acts of crime and crime as the withdrawal. In this respect the rules on penalties culpability in the crime has been proposed that the content of the crime with absolute responsibility of these categories has manifested. Under the Articles 144 and 145 of the Latest version Islamic criminal law (2013), Create unintentional offenses, subject to verification of the fault committed. In crimes ranging from quasi-intentional unintentional deviation as retaliation book rules apply. Legislator to commit a fault, the reason for the error is considered criminal, which has always been considered an objective measure and a ruler (in Article 145), while the common law under subsection (1) "criminal law to crimes" adopted 1981 crime start as the offense is punishable total. This study showed that certain similarities between the laws. In this context, the two internal laws and the common law can be found, in which the underlying offense of absolute liability is not fixed in the courts. Always treat judges and lawyers in the face of legal texts are not consistent because of the lack of transparency and clarity of the rules. In particular, in the common law, when a crime for the first time in cour t, and a warrant has been issued about it in terms of predicting the law and with regard to the interpretation of judges, procedural difference is more tangible.</p>


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