scholarly journals Gendered Disinformation as a U.S. National Security Challenge

Author(s):  
Kseniya S. Chestnyagina

As numerous studies state, women in politics are subject to gender-based disinformation campaigns that often use degrading and discriminatory messages. These campaigns often seek to portray women in politics as unreliable and unprofessional, which subsequently influence women’s decision to participate in the political life of the country and create obstacles to their success in the area. Analysis of the problem is necessary for the implementation and development of agenda to counteract disinformation and gender inequality.

Author(s):  
Mona Lena Krook

Chapter 19 considers the political and social consequences of violence against women in politics. The implications of these acts reach far beyond their effects on individual victims, harming political institutions as well as society at large. First, attempting to exclude women as women from participating in political life undermines democracy, negating political rights and disturbing the political process. Second, tolerating mistreatment due to a person’s ascriptive characteristics infringes on their human rights, damaging their personal integrity as well as the perceived social value of their group. Third, normalizing women’s exclusion from political participation relegates women to second class citizenship, threatening principles of gender equality. The chapter concludes that naming the problem of violence against women in politics thus has important repercussions along multiple dimensions, making the defense of women’s rights integral to the protection of political and human rights for all.


2018 ◽  
pp. 283-314
Author(s):  
Natasha E. Latzman ◽  
Ashley S. D’Inverno ◽  
Phyllis H. Niolon ◽  
Dennis E. Reidy

Author(s):  
Mona Lena Krook

Women have made significant inroads into politics in recent years, but in many parts of the world, their increased engagement has spurred attacks, intimidation, and harassment intended to deter their participation. This book provides the first comprehensive account of this phenomenon, exploring how women came to give these experiences a name—violence against women in politics—and lobby for its increased recognition by citizens, states, and international organizations. Drawing on research in multiple disciplines, the volume resolves lingering ambiguities regarding its contours by arguing that violence against women in politics is not simply a gendered extension of existing definitions of political violence privileging physical aggressions against rivals. Rather, it is a distinct phenomenon involving a broad range of harms to attack and undermine women as political actors. Incorporating a wide range of country examples, the book illustrates what this violence looks like in practice, catalogues emerging solutions around the world, and considers how to document this phenomenon more effectively. Highlighting its implications for democracy, human rights, and gender equality, the volume concludes that tackling violence against women in politics requires ongoing dialogue and collaboration to ensure women’s equal rights to participate—freely and safely—in political life around the globe.


1989 ◽  
Vol 48 (4) ◽  
pp. 741-756 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hy van Luong

In the literature on the process of socioeconomic transformation, a major debate centers on the questions of how and how much indigenous traditions, including kinship structures, are transformed by the larger political economic framework (Sahlins 1985, Hobsbawm 1983, Wolf 1982). Marxist theoretical analyses tend to emphasize the eventual demise of gender inequality and male-oriented (patrilineal, patrilocal, and patriarchical) kinship systems—kinship systems within which gender relations are also embedded (cf. Engels 1972). The analytical literature on Vietnamese kinship and gender in the socialist era is certainly not an exception in this regard. It is pervaded with general propositions regarding the nuclearization of the family (Houtart and Lemercinier 1981, Werner 1981) and the political-economy-based transformation of the system toward a structure of egalitarian gender relations (e.g., Lê thḷ Nhâm-Tuyêt 1973).


Author(s):  
M.C. Moreroa ◽  
M.B. Rapanyane

The two practices of gender inequality and gender-based violence (GBV) are not peculiar to South Africans, as they also affect the African continent and the Global world in different shapes and forms. Whatever happens, when these two unacceptable behaviours and/ practices take form, women often end up being discriminated, sidelined and violated. Against this backdrop, this paper analyses the state of gender inequality and GBV in South Africa and finds common features which exist between the two. The central narrative of this paper is that the two notions are, at a very faster pace, becoming subjects of considerable debate and concern. This paper argues that the two notions have depressing effects on South African women. Afrocentricity is adopted in this paper in order to relevantly and positionally reflect on the central objective.


2021 ◽  
Vol 6 (15) ◽  
pp. 372-387
Author(s):  
Zeynep Tuğçe ÖZTÜRK ◽  
Nurgün KOÇ

In Turkish modernization, important steps were taken under the leadership of Mustafa Kemal Atatürk so that women could reach the level of contemporary civilized peoples. For this purpose, women who have lagged behind the society in education, training and social life, especially gender equality, have been granted political rights before some European countries. Turkish women, who obtained the right to vote and be elected in 1934, were included in the political life, and they went to the polls for the first time in the elections held in 1935. For many years, the place of women in political life has decreased due to many reasons such as the fact that political parties do not allow quotas for female deputies, democracy cannot be fully ensured within political parties, sexism, politics are seen as men’s work, women’s education problem, while the women’s movements have increased in the period from the 1980s to the present. Its power has increased due to reasons such as quota implementation based on changes in electoral systems. Although the number of women in politics has not reached a sufficient level even today, as the sexist approach in society and the obstacles placed in front of women are overcome, the effectiveness and success of Turkish women in political life will increase. Although it is difficult for women to take part in the male-dominated structure in politics, it is seen that women are not willing enough and they struggle less. It is possible to say that women have made important strides in the political arena in the Turkish society led by a female prime minister, Professor Tansu Çiller.


2018 ◽  
Vol 54 ◽  
pp. 02010
Author(s):  
Ristina Yudhanti ◽  
Adi Sulistiyono ◽  
Isharyanto

The discourse of obligation that female has representatives in politics continuously occurred by the agreement of equal position between male and female. This discourse must be implemented by the state to achieve national purpose as decided by substance and the various instrument by the constitution. By fair and gender equality, so the state is obligated to give protection for implementing gender equality including particular actions involving access, participation, control in development process and equal as well as fair benefit between female and male to gender-based approach. The legal political policy of general election in the future is to fulfill Affirmative Action policy by 30% quota for woman in the general election system in Indonesia. It has to prioritize several factors which are the change of general election system, the political party, and the political culture approach in Indonesia. It is needed the Political will of a political party as an executor to implement Affirmative Action as well as to realize gender equality in a political position in Indonesia. It is expected that regulation formulating policy of general election and political party in the future is not only focused on normative policy but also balanced by sanction policy.


2021 ◽  
pp. 24-37
Author(s):  
Andriy KIZYMA ◽  
Zoryana LOBODINA

Introduction. Slowing economic growth, the spread of destructive demographic and environmental processes, increasing inequality in access to participation in economic, social and political life of the country necessitate the search for innovative budgeting technologies that would include elements of inclusion. The purpose of the article is justification of the theoretical foundations of inclusive budgeting, determination of preconditions and necessity of introduction of this technology into budgetary practice of Ukraine. Methods. In the course of research systematic approach to study widespread budgeting technologies, used in foreign and domestic practice, and the following methods of scientific cognition: induction and deduction, analysis and synthesis, comparison, generalization, associations, analogies and others, were used. Results. In order to ensure the socio-economic development of Ukraine on the basis of the concept of inclusive sustainable growth, the necessity of introducing technology of inclusive budgeting, which would take into account the benefits of practical use of program-targeted, participatory and gender-based budgeting, has been proved. The main features of inclusive budgeting include: existence of legislatively approved rules, norms and procedures that maximally involve citizens into filling budgets of different levels on the basis of the principle of progressive taxation and provide them with equal access possibilities to public services; maximize the involvement of society members in formulation of the budget programs on the basis of which budget expenditures are determined, as well as in monitoring their implementation, including the reporting procedure. Interpretation of the terms “budgetary inclusion” and “inclusive budgeting” is proposed. The main elements of inclusive budgeting include: budget programs; performance indicators for evaluating the implementation of budget programs; budget program executors; initiative, active, financially competent citizens; participatory budgeting. The main stages of integration of inclusive aspects in the budget process are defined: carrying out inclusive budget analysis (analysis of budget requests, budget programs and the state of their financing, budgets in order to identify problems of unequal access of citizens to budgetary resources and public services); formulation of the goals and recommendations to enhance inclusion; making changes to budget requests, budget programs, budgets; monitoring and evaluation of the results of changes made to budget requests, budget programs, budgets. Perspectives. The subject of further research is an in-depth study of the problems of budget inclusion.


2021 ◽  
Vol 18 (4) ◽  
pp. 90-101
Author(s):  
Massimo Cecchi

Although Italy is characterized by a Rhine model of capitalism, with an underdeveloped stock exchange, previous studies on gender inequality have focused only on the analysis of the country’s few listed companies. Our study examines, instead, a larger sample of approximately 15,000 Italian limited companies, which include, in particular, unlisted companies. In the absence of estimates of these firms’ value on a stock market, the study measures performance based on financial statement data and ratios. No statistically significant correlations between performance and gender emerge. Therefore, if women have to “be better” to be treated “equally”, we can conclude that women do not seem to perform better than their male counterparts. However, women are not found to perform worse, either. Hence, we can also conclude that their underrepresentation can only be the result of sociocultural discrimination. We believe that this reversal of perspective should also be considered in future studies in search of overperformance to justify leading roles for women


ijd-demos ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Bambang Arianto

This article will explain the political wing of the NasDem women's party namely Garnita Malahayati in Yogyakarta in the 2014 electoral contestation. Various affirmative action policies initiated by the government have not been able to be utilized properly by political parties either in the process of institutionalizing parties to create quality female politicians. Excess, political parties often have difficulty in building awareness of gender mainstreaming and gender-based political education. In fact, the women's political wing of the party has been designed to function to attract women's political participation. The reality is that political parties only make the political wing of women's parties a complement and symbol of politics. This study uses explanatory qualitative methods with data collection techniques by collecting data and related documents and through in-depth interviews. This article argues that there is a dysfunction in women's political wings, because Garnita Malahayati as a political wing of women has not been well institutionalized. The article also believes that the political wing of the party women has not played an active role in the process of candidacy, especially in encouraging the process of regenerating qualified female politiciansArtikel ini akan menjelaskan sayap politik perempuan partai NasDem yakni Garnita Malahayati Yogyakarta dalam kontestasi elektoral 2014. Berbagai kebijakan affirmative action yang digulirkan oleh pemerintah belum mampu dimanfaatkan dengan baik oleh partai politik baik dalam proses pelembagaan partai untuk menciptakan politisi perempuan yang berkualitas. Eksesnya, partai politik seringkali mengalami kesulitan dalam membangun kesadaran pengarusutamaan gender dan pendidikan politik yang berbasis gender. Padahal, sayap politik perempuan partai telah didesain untuk berfungsi menarik partisipasi politik kaum perempuan. Realitasnya partai politik hanya menjadikan sayap politik perempuan partai sebagai pelengkap dan simbolisasi politik. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode kualitatif eksplanatoris dengan teknik pengumpulan data dengan mengumpulkan data-data dan dokumen yang terkait serta melalui wawancara mendalam (in-depth interview). Artikel ini berpendapat bahwa tengah terjadi disfungsi sayap politik perempuan, dikarenakan Garnita Malahayati sebagai sayap politik perempuan belum terlembagakan dengan baik. Artikel ini juga berpendapat bahwa sayap politik perempuan partai belum berperan aktif dalam proses kandidasi terutama mendorong proses kaderisasi politisi perempuan yang berkualitas.


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