Mediterranean Vector of International Relations in the Mirror of Sigismund of Luxembourg’s Conflict with Venice (1411—1413)

Istoriya ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (7 (105)) ◽  
pp. 0
Author(s):  
Nikolai Pashkin
Keyword(s):  
International Relations ◽  
Fifteenth Century ◽  
The Political ◽  
Byzantine Empire ◽  
Historical Events ◽  
Indirect Connection ◽  
John Xxiii ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Actual Factor ◽  
Pope John Xxiii

The article covers international and diplomatic aspects of the conflict of Sigismund of Luxembourg, the King of Hungary and the Romans, and the Republic of Venice in 1411—1413. Venetian claims to Dalmatia that nominally belonged to the Hungarian Crown were the formal reason of the conflict. The article notices that the main battleground was in Italia, not Dalmatia. The author thereupon concludes that the actual factor of the events was the competition between Italian states. But contrary to the traditional opinion the researcher assigns the part of the main power that competed with Venice to Florence, not Genoa. In the early fifteenth century it entered into the struggle for the outlet to the sea and sought the extension of its influence for account of new trade lines that connected the Mediterranean with Central and North Europe. Meanwhile, the head-on clash of the republics was ruled out because their relations guaranteed them both the safety of the political balance of Italy and the defence of the peninsula from external actions. But Florence could force Venice by the manipulation by the Italian policy of the King Sigismund. The instrument of the pressure was the potential union of the King and the Pope John XXIII. It was the interests of Florence that made it possible to explain the reason that kept them from direct official contacts. The investigation of the nature of the conflict reveals also its indirect connection with historical events related to West European states, Poland, the Teutonic Order, the Byzantine Empire, the Ottomans and the Golden Horde.

THE RECASTING OF THE OTTOMAN PUBLIC DEBT AND THE ABOLITION OF THE CAPITULATIONS REGIME IN THE INTERNATIONAL LEGAL ACTION OF TURKEY LED BY MUSTAFA KEMAL ATATÜRK

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Pierluigi SIMONE
Keyword(s):  
Ottoman Empire ◽  
Public Debt ◽  
The Political ◽  
Byzantine Empire ◽  
Nationalist Movement ◽  
International Debt ◽  
The Subject ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Republic Of Turkey ◽  
Kemal Ataturk

The recast of the international debt contracted by the former Ottoman Empire and the overcoming of the capitulations regime that had afflicted Turkey for centuries, are two of the most relevant sectors in which the political and diplomatic action promoted by Mustafa Kemal Atatürk has been expressed. Extremely relevant in this regard are the different disciplines established, respectively, by the Treaty of Sèvres in 1920 and then by the Treaty of Lausanne in 1923. After the Ottoman Government defaulted in 1875, an agreement (the Decree of Muharrem) was concluded in 1881 between the Ottoman Government and representatives of its foreign and domestic creditors for the resumption of payments on Ottoman bonds, and a European control of a part of the Imperial revenues was instituted through the Administration of the Ottoman Public Debt. At the same time, the Ottoman Empire was burdened by capitulations, conferring rights and privileges in favour of their subjects resident or trading in the Ottoman lands, following the policy towards European States of the Byzantine Empire. According to these capitulations, traders entering the Ottoman Empire were exempt from local prosecution, local taxation, local conscription, and the searching of their domicile. The capitulations were initially made during the Ottoman Empire’s military dominance, to entice and encourage commercial exchanges with Western merchants. However, after dominance shifted to Europe, significant economic and political advantages were granted to the European Powers by the Ottoman Empire. Both regimes, substantially maintained by the Treaty of Sèvres, were considered unacceptable by the Nationalist Movement led by Mustafa Kemal and therefore became the subject of negotiations during the Conference of Lausanne. The definitive overcoming of both of them, therefore represents one of the most evident examples of the reacquisition of the full sovereignty of the Republic of Turkey.

Methodological problems of interdisciplinary peace research

2021 ◽  
pp. 8-21
Author(s):  
Mykola Genyk
Keyword(s):  
Conflict Resolution ◽  
International Relations ◽  
Catholic Church ◽  
Global Climate ◽  
Historical Context ◽  
Peace Studies ◽  
John Xxiii ◽  
Peace Research ◽  
Object Of Study ◽  
Pope John Xxiii

The increase in international tensions and the threat of global selfdestruction has determined the appearance of new interdisciplinary sciences aimed to investigate ways of contradictions resolving and raising the peace process’s effectiveness. Since the Second World War, issues of peace have become the object of study for several disciplines: polemology, eirenology, conflict resolution, and peace studies. They coexisted and rivalled in questions of methods and ways of cognition and achievement of peace. From 1960 to 1980, peace studies had been taking the first place. It had broadened and deepened the object and methods of peace research and been transformed into a separate interdisciplinary scientific field for studying and analyzing the preconditions for forging a lasting peace. Peace studies has combined conflict studies, development studies, philosophical-ethical reflections, historical context, and the international relations theory. Within peace research, two main schools have coalesced. The American traditional school (J. Burton) went in for peace keeping through predominantly analyzing international relations, arms control, disarmament, balance of power, and methods to establish peace „from the top”. The Scandinavian critical school (J. Galtung, B. V. A. Rolling, K. Boulding), based on updated social doctrine of the catholic church (the encyclicals of Pope John XXIII and Pope Paul VI), studied the underlying basis of conflict, having developed the theory of positive peace as a state of absence of not only direct but also of structural violence. Since the beginning of the 21st century, over 300 academic institutions and universities have been engaged in peace studies. Current peace research focuses on problems of global climate change, terrorism, sustainable development, failed states, and violation of human rights. At the same time, unsteady terminology is a significant problem of peace studies. R. Seidelman spoke about peace studies as a discipline in its infant stage. Evidently, a hybrid type of warfare, novel compound risks and threats to international security will promote the appearance of new directions of peace research. Key words: war, conflict, peace studies, peace research, peace process, conflict resolution, polemology.

International Relations in the New “Constitution of Finland”

2000 ◽  
Vol 69 (4) ◽  
pp. 513-522
Author(s):  
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
International Relations ◽  
The Political ◽  
The European Union ◽  
International Obligations ◽  
Comprehensive Reform ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Government ◽  
National Organisation

AbstractThe need for a comprehensive reform of Finland's four laws of constitution has been discussed since the late 1960s. As a consequence of several substantial changes to the old constitutional laws and the political consensus to move the system of governance in a more parliamentary direction, a new Constitution was drafted during the 1990s and adopted by the Parliament in 1999. Finland's new Constitution integrates constitutional provisions into a single Constitution, and reduces the constitutional powers of the president of the republic. The new Constitution increases parliamentary control in foreign policy. It requires the president to co-operate with the government when directing Finland's foreign policy. It also requires acceptance by the Parliament of a wider range of international obligations. The system for the national organisation of matters concerning the European Union adopted in connection with Finland's accession to the Union in 1995 has also been confirmed by the Constitution, with the government and the Parliament being the main actors in that field.

scholarly journals Features of the Formation of the Foundations of the Foreign Policy of the Republic of Kazakhstan

2021 ◽  
pp. 172-189
Author(s):  
O. Demenko
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Fifteenth Century ◽  
The United States ◽  
Strategic Partnership ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Historical Events ◽  
Progressive Development ◽  
Holistic Perception ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Russian Empire

The article analyzes the foundations of the formation of the foreign policy of the Republic of Kazakhstan, which, first of all, are influenced by the traditions of the historical development of this country, its geopolitical location in the center of the Eurasian continent, transport and communication potential and the presence of large reserves of natural resources. It is emphasized that in modern Kazakhstan there is still no holistic perception of many historical events and processes, in particular those that were hushed up during the imperial and Soviet periods. At the same time, in the scientific discourse of the country, there is a rethinking of national history through criticism of the previous historical experience. It is noted that after the formation in the middle of the fifteenth century. In the Kazakh Khanate, the progressive development of statehood was replaced by a period of struggle against foreign invaders – first the Dzungars, and then the Russian Empire. It ended with the loss of statehood, the struggle for the restoration of which is presented in the form of a teleologically constructed narrative of the heroic struggle for independence, which includes a number of historical events and periods. The process of modern nation-state building in Kazakhstan is based on the consolidating role of the titular nation, which contributes to the growth of interest in historical issues and is accompanied by a gradual loss of the influence of Soviet-Russian narratives in political and historical discourse. A feature of the foreign policy of the Republic of Kazakhstan is a multi-vector approach, which has developed historically and is designed to ensure a balance between various geopolitical centers of power. The priorities of Kazakhstan’s foreign policy are determined: the development of allied relations with the Russian Federation, a comprehensive strategic partnership with the PRC, an expanded strategic partnership with the United States, strategic relations with the Central Asian states, an expanded partnership and cooperation with the European Union.

scholarly journals Extradition in the Light of Legal Solutions in the Republic of Kosovo - Experiences, Challenges

SEEU Review ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 56-71
Author(s):  
Arsim Thaçi ◽  
Ismail Zejneli
Keyword(s):  
International Relations ◽  
International Law ◽  
International Organizations ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
Legal Provisions ◽  
Long Time ◽  
Delayed System ◽  
The Republic

Abstract Beheld in terms of international law, its subjects such as states, governments or international organizations always communicate with each other based on the spirit of the provisions of the field of international law. In the framework of the breaches, respectively the deliberate violation of these provisions, is the case of the so-called "Gulenists", where all the links of the system under which the extradition matter is built upon, are exempted. Our country will keep this stain for a long time, while in the archives of justice it will be treated as a case that should not have happened, always based on the commitment to the strict implementation of the provisions of the field of international law that our state has always had. At least they should have been held accountable, even criminally; hence, such cases to have never been repeated in our country. The lack of criminal accountability of the actors-senior state officials directly implicated in this case has left scars in our system, which at that moment is widely considered as a delayed system, while at an instant the whole commitment in this direction is shaken. This stain could have been avoided post festum - even in the circumstances when it happened, that is, even in the situation when all the political actors had been implicated in this case. In this regard, whilst analyzing the provisions we can assume that despite the deficiencies and continuously looking at the volume of legal provisions of this law, yet, we can consider that our system in this area has advanced and has ongoing initiatives to improve this system to the extent that could meet the requirements in relation to the dynamics of social and international relations.

scholarly journals V. S. Nersesyants’ Political and Legal Ideas about the Rule of Law State and Their Reflection in the Constitution of the Russian Federation and the Constitution of the Republic of Armenia

wisdom ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 192-198
Author(s):  
Vladislav PANCHENKO ◽  
Ivan MAKARCHUK ◽  
Valery VLASENKO ◽  
Nadezhda ALEKSEEVA ◽  
Natalya FROLOVA
Keyword(s):  
Rule Of Law ◽  
Russian Federation ◽  
Focus Of Attention ◽  
The Political ◽  
Historical Events ◽  
Distinctive Features ◽  
The Rule Of Law ◽  
Legal Space ◽  
The Russian Federation ◽  
The Republic

Since the inception of the idea of the rule of law state, the problems of its formation and development have always been in the focus of attention of progressive countries, as well as humanities scholars. During the years of perestroika, for the purposes of prospective legal construction, V. S. Nersesyants formulated the distinctive features and components of the rule of law state, without which the existence of the rule of law state is impossible. Well-known historical events led to the beginning of the formation of a new legal space on the territory of the Russian Federation and the Republic of Armenia, which is primarily due to the adoption of basic laws - the Constitutions of these countries. This article examines the political and legal views of V. S. Nersesyants about the rule of law state. The analysis revealing the reflection of his ideas in the Constitution of the Russian Federation and the Constitution of the Republic of Armenia is carried out.

scholarly journals Separating the Political from the Economic: The Russia–Traffic in Transit Panel Report

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-24
Author(s):  
Pramila Crivelli ◽  
Mona Pinchis-Paulsen
Keyword(s):  
International Relations ◽  
World Trade ◽  
The Political ◽  
Panel Report ◽  
Economic Relations ◽  
The World ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The One ◽  
In Transit ◽  
Economic Considerations

Abstract This paper reviews the World Trade Organization (WTO) Panel Report Russia – Measures Concerning Traffic in Transit of April 2019. It constitutes the first attempt to disentangle the legal and political aspects related to the invoked essential security interests from the economic considerations underlying the measures imposed on the transit through Russia of goods exported from Ukraine to the Republic of Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan. One the one hand, the panel's interpretation of Article XXI of the GATT denies Members unilateral determination over security exceptions. It further enables a pathway for future WTO panels to review possible abuses of security exceptions – a growing concern due to the rising complexity of transnational economic relations. On the other hand, our economic analysis suggests a stricter assessment of Russia's transit restrictions was necessary. In particular, it argues that the panel adopted a circular assessment when considering the plausibility of whether Russia implemented its measures for the protection of its essential security interests at a time of emergency in international relations. Ultimately, although the panel's focus on finding a diplomatic and legal path forward failed economic scrutiny a legal assessment argues that the panel's findings fit the legal design of Article XXI:b of the GATT.

scholarly journals Byzantium and the West on the Way to the Council of Constance

2021 ◽  
Vol 49 ◽  
pp. 277-304
Author(s):  
Nikolai Gennadievich Pashkin ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Byzantine Empire ◽  
The West ◽  
John Xxiii ◽  
Latin West ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Church ◽  
The Way

This paper examines the connections of the Byzantine Empire and the Latin West on the eve of the Council of Constance. This Council has been analysed in the context of the conflict of King Sigismund of Luxembourg and the Republic of Venice. The project of the church council appeared in order to solve the conflict with the Roman pope as the mediator. Byzantine Emperor Manuel II Palaiologos had the same interest as the European conflict was accompanied with Sigismund’s attempt of arranging an anti-Ottoman crusade. However, the King’s idea of an anti-Turk alliance contradicts to the interests of Byzantium which tried to keep neutrality under the current conditions. The author suggests that the Byzantine Emperor’s real aim was to assist the pope’s intermediary mission. Their contact was possible as negotiations concerning the church union. Byzantine diplomatist Manuel Chrysoloras’ visit to Constance has been analysed from the said standpoint. The situation was complicated by the fact that the prerequisites for solving the conflict of Western powers did not develop before the Council started. Therefore, the discussion of the Latin schism became topical at the Council of Constance, and the deposition of the Antipope John XXIII became inevitable. Thus, the solution of the problem facing the Greeks was postponed until the election of a new Roman pontiff.

A Variety of Religious Architecture in Poland

1990 ◽  
Vol 6 ◽  
pp. 161-171
Author(s):  
Tadeusz Chrzanowski
Keyword(s):  
Eighteenth Century ◽  
Fifteenth Century ◽  
National Character ◽  
Federal State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Tribal Community ◽  
New Model ◽  
Religious Architecture ◽  
The Republic

Before I attempt a brief survey of the numerous and varied examples of religious architecture in Poland let me mention a few well-known facts. Poland, having grown out of a tribal community, and having early developed a national character, after the Union with Lithuania (first a personal union in 1386 and then a State union in 1569) began expanding rapidly. At the turn of the fifteenth century a new model of parliamentary monarchy was established, a model functioning in an already multinational, federal state, which ceased to be the ‘Republic of Two Nations’ and became instead the ‘Republic of Many Nations’. I do not intend to analyse here all the achievements, changes, and mistakes of Poland, but I would like to stress that between the fifteenth century and the eighteenth century the Poles were in a minority. This minority, however, decided the country’s fate, as it was Polish noblemen (szlachta) who set the political and cultural pace. It has never been accurately assessed what percentage of the whole society the noblemen were, but it must have been high, probably the highest in Europe. According to some sources, the Poles who felt themselves free and regarded Poland as their commonwealth formed ten per cent of the whole population. We should also note that at that time the process of Polonization took place mainly among the nobility, and that the Poles who were in a minority in the Polish-Lithuanian State were at the same time a majority among those who ruled that State. I am not saying that as a Polish nationalist, but as an historian who has a deep respect and friendly feeling for all the nations and denominations which once inhabited this large and unique country. The Union of Lublin put the final touches to this distinctive commonwealth, which appeared too early in the Europe of nationalism and absolutism to survive.

The Benefits of Ethnic War: Understanding Eurasia's Unrecognized States

2001 ◽  
Vol 53 (4) ◽  
pp. 524-552 ◽  
Author(s):  
Charles King
Keyword(s):  
International Relations ◽  
Civil Wars ◽  
Educational Institutions ◽  
The Political ◽  
Weak States ◽  
South Ossetia ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Ethnic War ◽  
External Actors

Within international relations, discussions about how civil wars end have focused mainly on the qualities of the belligerents (ethnicity, commitment to the cause) or on the strategic environment of decision making (security dilemmas). Work in sociology and development economics, however, has highlighted the importance of war economies and the functional role of violence. This article combines these approaches by examining the mechanisms through which the chaos of war becomes transformed into networks of profit, and through which these in turn become hardened into the institutions of quasi states. The first section offers a brief overview of current research on civil war endings. The second section outlines the course of four Eurasian wars and identifies the de facto states that have arisen after them: the republic of Nagorno-Karabakh (in Azerbaijan), the Dnestr Moldovan republic (in Moldova), and the republics of Abkhazia and South Ossetia (in Georgia). The third section analyzes the pillars of state building in each case: the political economy of weak states, the role of external actors, the mythologizing function of cultural and educational institutions, and the complicity of central governments. The concluding section suggests lessons that these cases might hold for further study of intrastate violence.

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