scholarly journals Exhibitions of Soviet fine art in 1930 in the reviews of the foreign press

Author(s):  
Stepan S. Bakaryagin

The article examines the reviews of the German, Austrian and Swedish periodicals about some exhibitions of Soviet fine art held in 1930. On the basis of archival materials, the attitude of the foreign press to the Soviet exhibition projects in Berlin, Vienna and Stockholm is analyzed. The influence of the political orientation of periodicals on the assessment of the plots of the works of Soviet artists is emphasized. When characterizing the painting technique and compositional structure of the works, critics pointed to their continuity from the Western European tradition. Soviet graphics and sculpture made a positive impression. Critics associated the artistic successes mainly with the masters of the old Russian school.

Author(s):  
Anastasiia Ivanova

On classical sources, the author traced and compared the history of the formation and development of the institution of veto in ancient Rome, in medieval England, France, the Commonwealth. Particular attention is paid to the development of the institution of veto on Ukrainian lands. The author comes to the conclusion about the different legal nature of the veto in the medieval Western European and Eastern European traditions. The Eastern European tradition corresponds to the veto, the peculiarity of which is consensual in nature and the use of the legislature. The principle of consensual decision-making is inherent in the Western European tradition - in the English Parliament, decision-making by consensus has always been desirable. However, in Eastern European practice, it has become mandatory. In medieval society, consensus could exist as long as it was not denied by a minority. Historical experience has demonstrated the shortcomings of this approach and the dangers to the political and legal system in the case of its instrumentalization. Subsequently, the principle of consensus evolved towards the development of the majority principle. The second type of veto should be considered in the context of ensuring a balance of power, it is part of the mechanism of checks and balances, a tool to limit the legislature and strengthen the executive branch. The purpose of this mechanism is to find a balance of power between different spheres of power, which will correspond to the balance of power in a particular society at the moment. Therefore, there is no and obviously cannot be an ideal veto mechanism - in different states the forms of its implementation differ, depending on the distribution of powers between participants in the political process.


2019 ◽  
Vol 118 (11) ◽  
pp. 365-371
Author(s):  
J Dorasamy ◽  
Mr Jirushlan Dorasamy

Studies, especially in the North America, have shown a relationship between political orientation and moralfoundation. This study investigated whether moral judgements differ from the political orientation of participantsin South Africa moral judgment and the extent to which moral foundations are influenced by politicalorientation.Further, the study investigated the possibility of similar patterns with the North AmericanConservative-Liberal spectrum and the moral foundation. There were 300participants, 78 males and 222 females,who completed an online questionnaire relating to moral foundation and political orientation. The results partiallysupported the hypothesis relating to Liberal and Conservative orientation in South Africa. Further, this studypartially predicted the Liberal-Conservative orientation with patterns in the moral foundation, whilst showingsimilar findings to the North American studies. A growing rate of a neutral/moderate society is evidenced in SouthAfrica and abroad, thereby showing the emergence of a more open approach to both a political and generalstance.”””


2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tom Pyszczynski ◽  
Pelin Kesebir ◽  
Matt Motyl ◽  
Andrea Yetzer ◽  
Jacqueline M. Anson

We conceptualized ideological consistency as the extent to which an individual’s attitudes toward diverse political issues are coherent among themselves from an ideological standpoint. Four studies compared the ideological consistency of self-identified liberals and conservatives. Across diverse samples, attitudes, and consistency measures, liberals were more ideologically consistent than conservatives. In other words, conservatives’ individual-level attitudes toward diverse political issues (e.g., abortion, gun control, welfare) were more dispersed across the political spectrum than were liberals’ attitudes. Study 4 demonstrated that variability across commitments to different moral foundations predicted ideological consistency and mediated the relationship between political orientation and ideological consistency.


2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 600-616
Author(s):  
Eva van der Heijden ◽  
Maykel Verkuyten

Among a national sample of Dutch respondents (N = 1,155), this study examined whether the belief configuration of personal political orientation differs for individual level of education, and how it is related to negative attitudes toward immigrant-origin groups and refugee policies. In agreement with the ideological sophistication perspective, the endorsement of social conformity and the acceptance of group-based inequality were found to be more strongly part of the political orientation of higher compared to the lower educated participants. Furthermore, the endorsement of social conformity and acceptance of group-based inequality were associated with more negative feelings toward immigrants and more negative attitudes toward policies in relation to refugees. These findings add to the existing literature that has predominantly examined education and political orientation as two independent correlates of anti-immigrant and refugee attitudes.


2018 ◽  
pp. 8-15
Author(s):  
Іvan Pobochiy

The level of social harmony in society and the development of democracy depends to a large extent on the level of development of parties, their ideological and political orientation, methods and means of action. The purpose of the article is to study the party system of Ukraine and directions of its development, which is extremely complex and controversial. The methods. The research has led to the use of such scientific search methods as a system that allowed the party system of Ukraine to be considered as a holistic organism, and the historical and political method proved to be very effective in analyzing the historical preconditions and peculiarities of the formation of the party system. The results. The incompetent, colonial past and the associated cruel national oppression, terror, famine, and violent Russification caused the contradictory and dramatic nature of modernization, the actual absence of social groups and their leaders interested in it, and the relatively passive reaction of society to the challenges of history. Officials have been nominated by mafia clans, who were supposed to protect their interests and pursue their policies. Political struggle in the state took place not between influential political parties, but between territorial-regional clans. The party system of Ukraine after the Maidan and the beginning of the war on the Donbass were undergoing significant changes. On the political scene, new parties emerged in the course of the protests and after their completion — «Petro Poroshenko Bloc», «People’s Front», «Self-help»), which to some extent became spokespeople for not regional, but national interests. Pro-European direction is the main feature of the leading political parties that have formed a coalition in the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine. Conclusion. The party system of Ukraine as a result of social processes is at the beginning of a new stage in its development, an important feature of which is the increase in the influence of society (direct and indirect) on the political life of the state. Obviously, there is a demand from the public for the emergence of new politicians, new leaders and new political forces that citizens would like to see first and foremost speakers and defenders of their interests.


2018 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Jeroen Vanheste

T. S. Eliot was the founder and editor of the Criterion, a literary and cultural review with a European focus that was published during the interwar period. The Criterion functioned as a platform for intellectuals with a shared perception of European culture and European identity. It was part of a network of European periodicals that facilitated an intellectual exchange between writers and thinkers with a common orientation. Examples of other reviews in the Criterion network were the Nouvelle Revue Française from France, La Fiera Letteraria and Il Convegno from Italy, the Revista de Occidente from Spain (edited by José Ortega y Gasset), and Die Neue Rundschau, the Europäische Revue, and the Neue deutsche Beiträge (edited by Hugo von Hofmannsthal) from Germany. In this article, I investigate the specific role the Criterion network of reviews and intellectuals played as an infrastructure for the dissemination of ideas about European culture during the interwar period. I also discuss the content of these ideas about the ‘European mind’. As to the latter, I suggest that Eliot positioned himself as well as his magazine in the European tradition of humanist thinking. Unfortunately, the Criterion’s ambition for a reconstruction of the European mind would dissipate as the European orientation of the 1920s was displaced by the political events of the 1930s. Eliot and his Criterion network expressed a Europeanism that has often been overlooked in recent research. The ideas discussed in this network remain interesting in our time, in which discussions about European values and European identity are topical. What is also highly interesting is the role cultural reviews played during the interwar period as a medium for exchanging such ideas.


wisdom ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 2 (7) ◽  
pp. 111
Author(s):  
Ashot VOSKANIAN

Given peculiarity of Armenian history, the Armenian political thought for centuries debated around geopolitical orientation between neighboring great powers. In post-Soviet reflections, however, the emphasis has been moved towards self-reliance, and the very principle of political orientation was questioned. The attitude towards Israel Ori, whose name was viewed as a symbol of the principle of orientation, became the locums for determining the political-ideological disposition of debater, as well as understanding their approaches towards different concepts of national identity. A brief comparison between the conceptual paradigms of two renowned historians Ashot Hovhannisyan (1887-1972) and Leo (Arakel Babakhanyan, 1860-1932) in relation to their attitude towards Israel Ori aims to demonstrate that questioning of the very principle of orientation has much deeper roots in Armenian historical studies than commonly is believed. It also illuminates the complex relationship between principle of orientation and desired model of social structure of society, which these two classics have revealed in rather different ways.


2021 ◽  
Vol 25 (1) ◽  
pp. 263
Author(s):  
Mônica de Castro Maia Senna ◽  
Aline Souto Maior Ferreira ◽  
Valentina Sofia Suarez Baldo

O artigo analisa como sistemas de proteção social na América Latina têm respondido à grave situação social decorrente da pandemia de COVID-19. Pautado em estudo exploratório, o artigo toma como foco as experiências da Argentina, Brasil e México. A perspectiva de análise considera que as respostas produzidas por esses três casos às demandas sociais postas pela pandemia decorrem da interseção entre o legado prévio e estrutura institucional dos sistemas de proteção social existentes em cada país, a orientação política dos governos em exercício e a dinâmica social e política diante do contexto da crise sanitária. Verifica que nos três países, a despeito de medidas protetivas de maior ou menor abrangência e magnitude, que reforçam a proteção social existente ou introduzem novos mecanismos – todos eles temporários – a crise social própria às formações sociais latino-americanas se agravou.LATIN AMERICAN SOCIAL PROTECTION SYSTEMS AND RESPONSES TO THE COVID-19 PANDEMIC: Argentina, Brazil and MexicoAbstractThe article analyses how social protection systems in Latina America have responded to the serious social situation caused by the COVID-19 pandemic. Guided by an exploratory study, the paper focuses on the experiences of Argentina, Brazil and Mexico. The analysis considers that the responses produced by the three cases results from the intersection between the institutional structure’s previous legacy of the social protection systems existing in each country, the political orientation of the governments in exercise and the social and political dynamics in the sanitary crisis context. It seems that, despite protective measures of greater or lesser scope and magnitude, which either reinforce the existing social protections or introduce new mechanisms – all of them temporary – the social crisis specific to Latin American social formations has worsened in the countries studied.Keywords: Social protection. COVID-19. Brazil. México. Argentina


2021 ◽  
Vol 20 (2) ◽  
pp. 254-282
Author(s):  
Beatriz Montes- Berges ◽  
M. Elena Ortúñez Fernández

Objetivo: Analizar los efectos psicológicos que la actual pandemia de coronavirus (covid19) está teniendo en los profesionales del ámbito sanitario.Métodos: Estudio descriptivo de corte transversal en una muestra de 1150 profesionales del ámbito sanitarios, seleccionados al azar. Las mediciones y los resultados se explicaron con el modelo teórico el Diferencial Semántico propuesto por Osgood.Resultados: Se ha encontrado que, en general, el personal del ámbito sanitario se siente muy desprotegido, con miedo y estresado. Confieren más miedo al autocontagio que al contagio de otros. Perciben su trabajo como eficaz, beneficioso, activo, útil y flexible, y simultáneamente se siente amable, afectivo, sincero, cálido y discreto. Encontramos que las enfermeras, y después los técnicos en cuidados enfermeros se sienten más útiles, valientes, importantes y sinceras que otras categorías sanitarias, entre las que figuran los y las médicos/as. Las emociones que sentían el personal sanitario están fuertemente influidas por la orientación política que tuvieran.Conclusión: El estudio realizado sobre el efecto psicológico de la actual pandemia en los profesionales del ámbito sanitario aporta diferencias significativas en función de la profesión, el contrato laboral, el sexo y la orientación política de los entrevistados. Objective: To analyze the psychological effects that the current coronavirus pandemic (covid19) is having on healthcare professionals.Methods: Descriptive cross-sectional study in a sample of 1,150 healthcare professionals, randomly selected. Measurements and results were explained with the theoretical model of the Semantic Differential proposed by Osgood.Results: It has been found that, in general, healthcare professionals feel very unprotected, afraid and stressed. They were more afraid of self-contagion than of others. They perceived their work as effective, beneficial, active, useful and flexible, and at the same time, they feel kind, affective, sincere, warm and discreet. We found that nurses, and later, nurse care technicians feel more useful, brave, important, and sincere than other healthcare categories, including physicians. The emotions that the health personnel felt were strongly influenced by their political orientation.Conclusion: The study carried out on the psychological effect of the current pandemic on health professionals provides significant differences depending on the profession, the employment contract, the sex and the political orientation of the interviewees.


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