scholarly journals Muslim localizing democracy:a non-pesantren village in Madura as a preliminary study

2011 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 297
Author(s):  
Muhammad Endy Saputro
Keyword(s):  
Local Politics ◽  
Local Governance ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
New Order ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
Preliminary Study ◽  
Élan Vital

The political dynamic of village in Indonesian New Order has two faces. On one<br />hand, it is conditioned by the feudalism of village’s leader which is monopolized<br />from one generation to other generations. On the other hand, religion can be an<br />alternative to challenge this feudalism. I explore this condition through an examination<br />of the role of kalebun (the village’s leader) and kiai in a non-pesantren<br />village in Madura, Indonesia. In Madura society, kiai and its pesantren take important<br />role in the process of Islamic institutionalization. Yet, in this case, the<br />absence of pesantren enforces the kiai to be counter-balance of the feudalism of<br />the kalebun. And, the kiai claims that this counter-balance is on behalf of democracy.<br />This article concludes with a discussion of the requirement of democracy in “Islamic” local politics as well as in search of good local governance in post<br />Indonesian New Order.<br />Dinamika politik desa pada masa Orde Baru menghadapi dua realitas antagonis.<br />Di satu sisi, pemerintahan desa dimonopoli oleh generasi tertentu yang melahirkan<br />rezim feodal. Seorang Muslim, di lain sisi, berpotensi menjadi elan vital perlawanan<br />terhadap feodalisme tersebut. Tulisan ini berupaya menggali dua kenyataan<br />tersebut melalui analisis kepemimpinan kalebun (kepala desa) dan kiai di sebuah<br />desa non-pesantren di Madura, Indonesia. Pada jamaknya, dalam masyarakat<br />Madura, kiai dan pesantren memiliki peranan penting dalam proses<br />institusionalisasi Islam. Namun, dalam studi ini, ketiadaan pesantren, membuat<br />kiai (dengan langgarnya) berusaha membendung arus feudalisme kalebun. Sebuah<br />temuan menarik bahwa perlawanan sang kiai tidak atas nama Islam, tetapi demi<br />tegaknya demokratisasi di desa.

scholarly journals PERGESERAN PERAN KYAI DALAM POLITIK DI BANTEN ERA ORDE BARU DAN REFORMASI

ALQALAM ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 28 (2) ◽  
pp. 339 ◽  
Author(s):  
ABDUL HAMID
Keyword(s):  
The Other ◽  
Peak Performance ◽  
The Political ◽  
New Order ◽  
Material Support ◽  
Political Role ◽  
Traditional Leaders ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
Ruling Party

Kyai is one of traditional leaders in Banten. The political role of kyai in Banten has risen and fell. From collonial collapsed to Indonesian Revolt 1945, the leadership of kyai had increased in the peak performance. In 1945 until 1950, all of the Bupati in Banten were positioned by kyai. Since that time to now, in all of dimensions, the leadership of kyai has decreased. In New Order era, many kyais were organized as supported organization of ruling party. It was mutualism relation, ruling party got mass supports and kyai got material support for himself and pesantren. Impad of this strategy was increasing of charisma, influence, and trust. On the other hand, some kyais got oppression because of their independences and critics to government. In reformasi era, kyai had been fragmented in many political powers, but still as supporting actor not as the main one. To fulfill their needs, both for their selves and for pesantren, some kyais has done pragmatically and depended on others. This met with politician or government purposes to get religious legitimacy. The mix of political and economic weakness made kyai failed to made reformasi era as an opportunity to get back their ultimate role in politics. Keywords: Kyai, Political Role, New Order, Reformation Era, Banten.    

Accessibilité Pronominale Des Dét. N1 de (DÉT.) N2

1995 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
pp. 107-121
Author(s):  
Laurence Kister
Keyword(s):  
Complex Structure ◽  
The Other ◽  
Preference Scale ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
Shared Information ◽  
Pronominal Anaphora ◽  
Preliminary Study ◽  
The One ◽  
Argumentative Structure

The analysis of pronominal anaphora in dét. N1 de (dét.) N2 requires on the one hand a preliminary study of anaphora and of the relations supported by de, and on the other hand, an examination of referential functioning of propositional constructions. The analysis of the relations supported by de is seldom enough to determine whether the whole structure, or just a part of it, is favoured. Thus, the notion of "head" which underlies the principle of pronoun accessing and the preselective clauses must take into account the way of determining the different components of the Dét. N1 de (dét.) N2. The role of determiners is therefore essential : those introducing N2 just as well as those preceding the whole prepositional construction because they all can contribute to making the whole complex structure, or part of it, salient. Examining the distribution of the determiners does not allow us to list all the possible and impossible anaphoras ; it simply aims at building up an access and preference scale based on the notions of salience and accessibility. The identification of references requires a treatment taking many other factors into account: conceptual agreement in gender, immediate or remote contexts, argumentative structure, shared information, extra-linguistic and encyclopedic knowledge...

scholarly journals Political Communications, State, and Institutionalization of Democracy

2017 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 133-142
Author(s):  
Evie Ariadne Shinta Dewi
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Communication ◽  
The State ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
New Order ◽  
Political Communications ◽  
The Government ◽  
Main Message

The main thesis of this paper is reveals how the process of political communication should take place in order to achieve the idealization of democracy in accordance with the objectives of post-collapse reform of the authoritarian new order era. After nearly 18 years of reformation, substantial issues and basic problems still seem to burden the government. On the other hand, political democratization process seems to be influenced by the old pattern. This paper elaborates how the role of political communication in the process of democratization has been going on. The data obtained through documentation studies from various sources. The results of the study indicate that a state that should be positioned as the main actor in the process of political communication is often overlooked because of the large number of noise that caused by the main message of the state which is not well conveyed. As the result, the institutionalization of democratic values is still not the main commitment of the political parties. In the future, this country needs a strategy that puts the state both as a communicator and a communicant, so that the consolidation of democracy can be realized soon.

scholarly journals L’orologio e il calendario

2022 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alessio Porrino ◽  
Alessandro Volpi
Keyword(s):  
Walter Benjamin ◽  
Symbolic Representation ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Past ◽  
Philosophical Writing ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
Previous Discussion

This article aims at reflecting on the political significance of distinct conceptions of temporality and their symbolic representation in the work of Walter Benjamin. In particular, the “clock” and the “calendar” will be addressed as symbols of, respectively, a linear and homogeneous conception of time and of a cyclical, uneven – and potentially revolutionary – temporality. The conception of time symbolized by clocks is criticized by Benjamin as a bourgeois understanding of progress, which inhibits revolutionary tensions in society by shifting the political focus on future, on the inevitability of progress and growth; on the other hand, calendars’ and ancient cyclical festivals’ temporality constantly looks at the past, celebrating and re-actualizing the memory of previous revolutionary attempts. In the last section, the article will consider the role of symbols and allegories in Benjamin’s philosophical writing, casting new light on the previous discussion.

BLOCKADE OF THE SURGE OF PROLACTIN AT PRO-OESTRUS BY ADMINISTRATION OF ANTI-OESTROGENIC SUBSTANCE, MER-25

1973 ◽  
Vol 74 (4) ◽  
pp. 769-774 ◽  
Author(s):  
Akira Yokoyama ◽  
Hiroshi Tomogane ◽  
Katuaki Ôta
Keyword(s):  
Strong Evidence ◽  
The Other ◽  
Other Hand

ABSTRACT A non-steroidal oestrogen antagonist, MER-25, was administered to cycling rats for elucidating the role of oestrogen in the surge of prolactin observed on the afternoon of pro-oestrus (POe). In animals injected with 20 mg of MER-25 intramuscularly on the afternoon (16.30 h) of the first day of dioestrus (D-1), the surge of prolactin was blocked while the level of prolactin on the afternoon of POe of these animals was significantly higher than that of the corresponding controls injected with oil. Ovulation was also blocked in these animals treated with the drug on the afternoon of D-l. On the other hand, treatment on the morning (10.30 h) of the 2nd day of dioestrus failed to prevent not only the surge of prolactin but also ovulation. These observations provide strong evidence for the view that oestrogen is responsible for the surge of prolactin on the afternoon of POe, and that the surge is accompanied by that of LH.

Covid-19 – rumours and facts in media

2020 ◽  
Vol 11 (SPL1) ◽  
pp. 171-174
Author(s):  
Tarare Toshida ◽  
Chaple Jagruti
Keyword(s):  
Social Media ◽  
Preventive Measures ◽  
Vital Role ◽  
The Other ◽  
Sources Of Information ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
Corona Virus ◽  
The People ◽  
The World

The covid-19 resulted in broad range of spread throughout the world in which India has also became a prey of it and in this situation the means of media is extensively inϑluencing the mentality of the people. Media always played a role of loop between society and sources of information. In this epidemic also media is playing a vital role in shaping the reaction in ϑirst place for both good and ill by providing important facts regarding symptoms of Corona virus, preventive measures against the virus and also how to deal with any suspect of disease to overcome covid-19. On the other hand, there are endless people who spread endless rumours overs social media and are adversely affecting life of people but we always count on media because they provide us with valuable answers to our questions, facts and everything in need. Media always remains on top of the line when it comes to stop the out spread of rumours which are surely dangerous kind of information for society. So on our side we should react fairly and maturely to handle the situation to keep it in the favour of humanity and help government not only to ϑight this pandemic but also the info emic.

РоссияиАвстро-Венгрияв1917г.:дватипареволюции.Поматериаламроссийскойпрессы

2019 ◽  
pp. 78-103
Author(s):  
S.A. Romanenko
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
World War ◽  
Social Democrats ◽  
Left Flank ◽  
Daily Press ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
Political Spectrum

The article is devoted to the analysis of representations about AustriaHungary in Russia in political and publicists societies including Bolsheviks, Social Democrats, liberals (cadets), as well as MFA analysts from February to October. On the basis of the materials on foreign policy and the correlation of revolution and world war, from Russian daily press and journalists, which have not been studied before, the author comes to the conclusion that the representatives of the left flank of the political spectrum had neither information nor conceptually built ideas about the situation in AustriaHungary, about the perspectives for the development of revolutionary processes in the multinational state and its direction and aims. On the other hand, this was also largely characteristic of the moods of the AustroHungarian politicians, whether progovernment or opposition,Статья посвящена анализу представлений об АвстроВенгрии в России в политических и публицистических обществахв том числе большевиков, социалдемократов, либералов (кадетов), а также аналитиков МИД с февраля по октябрь. На основе материалов по внешней политике и соотношение революции и мировой войны, из российской ежедневной прессы и журналистов, которые до этого не изучались, автор приходит к выводу, что представители левого фланга политического спектра не имели ни информации, ни концептуально выстроенных представлений о ситуации в АвстроВенгрии, о перспективах развития революционных процессов в многонациональном государстве и его направленности, а также о том, что они не могли цели. С другой стороны, это было также в значительной степени характерно для настроений австровенгерских политиков, будь то проправительственные или оппозиционные, для которых цели национального движения уже в 1917 году играли гораздо большую роль, чем для русских. Для сравнительного анализа на основе архивных материалов приводятся позиции Министерства иностранных дел (Временного правительства) и Петроградского Совета.

The Catholic Hierarchy in the Nicaraguan Revolution

1985 ◽  
Vol 17 (2) ◽  
pp. 341-369 ◽  
Author(s):  
Philip J. Williams
Keyword(s):  
Structural Transformation ◽  
Urban Poor ◽  
The Other ◽  
Viable Alternative ◽  
The Political ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
Rural And Urban ◽  
Political Implications ◽  
Nicaraguan Revolution ◽  
Clear Majority

The involvement of Christians in the Nicaraguan Revolution is a clear manifestation of the profound changes taking place within the Nicaraguan Church as a whole. While a clear majority of the clergy took a stand against the injustices of the Somoza regime, a smaller group of priests and religious demonstrated a more profound commitment to radical structural transformation of society. Although their efforts to organize andconcientizar1rural and urban poor had serious political implications – in fact, many joined the guerrilla as a result of the ‘radicalization of their faith’ – to these priests and religious the political solutions available to counter growing social injustices and government abuses were few: either fight or capitulate. The bishops, on the other hand, were cautious about the pace of change and rejected the violent option, choosing instead an intermediate path. Unfortunately, such an option proved futile in the case of Nicaragua, and finally the bishops justified armed revolution as a viable alternative to systematic repression.

The Policy of the EEC on Concentrative Joint Ventures

1992 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 53-67
Author(s):  
D.S. Nava
Keyword(s):  
Structural Change ◽  
Joint Ventures ◽  
The Other ◽  
Legal Instrument ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
Philip Morris ◽  
Competition Rules

The EEC Treaty contains no specific provisions for the control of concentrations. Only the competition rules. Articles 85 and 86 EEC, could be considered as possible legal instruments for regulating concentrations. The Commission has had to examine whether and to what extent these provisions could be used to this end.The Commission's view has been that Article 85 does not apply to operations resulting in structural change, as is the case of concentrations and concentrative joint ventures. Cooperative operations, such as cooperative joint ventures, on the other hand fall to be assessed under Article 85. The Philip Morris case has made this position uncertain. According to the extensive interpretation of this judgement Article 85 is now applicable to certain concentrations and thus to concentrative joint ventures.There is no such uncertainty regarding the role of Article 86 in controlling concentrative joint ventures, for the Court has established in the Continental Can case that concentrations can be caught by Article 86.With the adoption in 1989 of the Regulation on concentration control the Commission finally has a legal instrument specifically designed to regulate concentrations. However, only concentrations and concentrative joint ventures which comply with certain turnover thresholds (the so-called concentrations or concentrative joint ventures with a Community dimension) can be assessed by the Commission under the Regulation. This means that the provisions of the Regulation can not be applied to concentrative joint ventures beneath the threshold.Because of the difficulty in distinguishing concentrative operations from cooperative ones, the Commission published the Notice regarding the concentrative and cooperative operations under the Regulation on the control of concentrations.

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