scholarly journals Protracted Displacement in Conflict Zones: Refugees and Internally Displaced People in Jammu and Kashmir

2016 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 90
Author(s):  
Reeta Chowdhari Tremblay

This study concentrates on the Indian state of Jammu and Kashmir and on those displaced people who, for the past six and a half decades, have remained invisible against the high profile background of the conflict between India and Pakistan over the Kashmir region.  Their difficult situation arises in large part from the identity-based politics of Kashmir Valley which has led to the failure of the state (both national and regional) fully to respond to their very significant conflict-induced displacement resettlement requirements. This essay will address two distinct types of displacement which occurred in 1947 in the wake of Partition and the tribal invasion of the Princely State: the one involving the West Pakistan Refugees (WPR) who moved from Pakistani towns adjacent to the State of Jammu and Kashmir and had not been citizens of the Princely State of Jammu and Kashmir; and the other involving the Pakistan Occupied Kashmir Displaced People (PoKDP), citizens of the State, who moved from the Pakistan-administered part of Kashmir to the Indian-administered Kashmir, mainly the Jammu region and surrounding areas.  Both groups belonged predominantly to the Hindu community.  While the former, the WPR, remain stateless with no citizenship rights in J&K, the latter, the PoKDP, are considered by the State as temporary migrants, and thus have received only temporary relief.

Author(s):  
Mridu Rai

Paradise lost, on fire, or on a river of hell: purple prose abounds in descriptions of Kashmir today. But in this instance, the hyperbole may be alarmingly close to reality. Since 1989–1990, Kashmir (i.e., the Valley rather than the entire state of Jammu and Kashmir for which the name is often informally used) has been a battleground pitting a popularly backed insurgency—sometimes accompanied by armed militancy—against Indian state dominance undergirded by one of the highest concentrations of armed forces among civilians in the world. The armed forces are about 700,000 strong in the Valley, producing an astonishing average of one soldier for every eleven civilians. A death toll in calamitous numbers (perhaps 70,000 killed and 8,000 “disappeared”, many of whom are presumed dead) countless instances of rape and torture, and the declining health of civil liberties as of individuals in Kashmir have many worried. Most accounts seeking to explain this state of affairs begin around August 14–15, 1947. On this day were born not only the two nation-states of India and Pakistan but also the rival claims of both to Kashmir. If Kashmir’s troubles were only about the Indo-Pakistani territorial contestation, 1947 would be where to start. However, the “Kashmir Problem” encompasses other contentious aspects that have drawn less attention and whose roots are buried deeper in time. These include a crisis of legitimate governance and the interweaving of religion and politics—all playing out in the midst of contested relations between different loci of central and local power. A narrow focus on the year 1947 alone, moreover, holds Kashmir’s history hostage to Indian and Pakistani official narratives. This is evident in the work of countless political scientists and policy experts. New scholarship has pushed historical examination to go further back by at least a century, if not more, to capture vital transformations in the understandings of sovereignty, territoriality, and the legitimacy to rule that shaped Kashmiris well before 1947. These changes cast long shadows that reach into the present.


2019 ◽  
Vol 73 (02) ◽  
pp. 329-363 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gautam Nair ◽  
Nicholas Sambanis

AbstractThis article studies the conditions that lead peripheral minorities to identify with the state, their ethnic group, or neighboring countries. We contribute to research on separatism and irredentism by examining how violence, psychological distance, and national status determine identification. The analysis uses data from a novel experiment that randomized videos of actual violence in a large, representative survey of the Kashmir Valley region in the Indian state of Jammu and Kashmir, an enduring site of separatist and irredentist conflict. We find that a strong regional identity is a counterweight to irredentism, but violent repression by the state can push members of the minority to identify with an irredentist neighbor. Violence increases perceived distance from the nation and reduces national identification. There is suggestive evidence that these effects are concentrated among individuals with attributes that otherwise predict higher levels of identification with the state. Information about integrative institutions and increased national status brought about by economic growth is insufficient to induce national identification in a context where psychological distance from the nation is large.


2016 ◽  
Vol 12 (4) ◽  
pp. 252-263 ◽  
Author(s):  
Azza Abdelmoneium

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to examine how internally displaced families in Khartoum-Sudan face difficulties and challenges in meeting their basic needs of shelter and health when they are displaced from their homes. By using empirical data, the factors that hinder families in getting access to shelter and health provision and how they survive with few facilities provided to them will be discussed. The paper will also highlight the role of the state in the situation of the displaced families and the services provided to them. Design/methodology/approach Various methods were used in the research, among them were interviews and focus-group discussions. Interviews were conducted with children aged 10-18 years. A sample of 129 children from four camps was selected, and parents or guardians of the children were interviewed. The theoretical section on what is displacement and how displaced people meet their basic needs and rights gives a background on how displaced families in Sudan survive and struggle to meet their health and shelter rights. Findings The basic needs for the displaced families were not met, and if they were met, it would have led to better living conditions, stability and security for these people. The paper concludes with some recommendations. Originality/value The state should meet the basic needs and rights of the internally displaced people. It is the responsibility of the state to ensure that health and shelter are provided to displaced people.


Author(s):  
Uttam Sahoo ◽  
Bipin Jojo

This article aims to examine the outcomes of state-led resettlement and rehabilitation processes in the resettled colonies of Rengali Dam displaced communities in the state of Odisha, India. By employing the descriptive research design and analysing qualitative and quantitative field data, it presents several consequences of the displacement process and how people and communities are impacted by it. It argues that while the Indian state has responded to development-led displaced people with promises of ‘resettlement and rehabilitation’, in most cases, the State 1 1 The authors are referring to the ‘State’ at national, provincial and local levels. has only confined itself to ‘resettlement’, neglecting the ‘rehabilitation’ of displaced communities—many of them Dalits, Adivasis and marginal farmers. Referring to the doctrine of the ‘eminent domain of the state’, it points out the failure of public policies in the equitable distribution of growth benefits and how it has intensified the vulnerability of the displaced communities. This analysis has implications for future development-led displacement and resettlement and rehabilitation of people and their communities.


2017 ◽  
Vol 8 (5) ◽  
pp. 73-83
Author(s):  
Moksha Singh ◽  
Munmun Jha

AbstractThe political crisis in the Indian state of Jammu and Kashmir, following the partition of the sub-continent, resulted in state-society construction that was embedded in religious, ethnic and ideological lines. Coupled with specially designed legislative and political framework, the final status of the state was marred with inbuilt ambiguities. The latter subsequently provided a foundation for further political destabilization in the region. The present contention on the status of Jammu and Kashmir within the Indian union is the outcome of one such temporary political adjustment that was implemented in the state in the form of Article 370 of the Constitution of India. This, over the years, has resulted in political upheaval, growth of secessionist feelings and violence in the state. The relief and rehabilitation of those affected by the conflict have suffered at the hands of this political adjustment. Article 370 does not allow for the implementation of various central government laws and policies in the state, preventing many from receiving the much deserved state and central government aid. This paper proposes that under Section 9 of the State’s Constitution, changes should be brought about in this political adjustment so that there is an all inclusive policy on rehabilitation, ending the conundrum over who is benefitted and who is not.


Author(s):  
Aijaz Ashraf Wani

What Happened to governance in Kashmir? studies the state of Jammu and Kashmir from the perspective of an ‘exceptional state’ rather than a ‘normal state’, a periphery on the margins of the centre, and thus shifts the focus from the central grid to the local arena. It contains a mass of information on what successive governments did to manage the conflicted state of Jammu and Kashmir. It identifies the various issues and problems the state has been confronted with since the transfer of power to ‘popular’ government in 1948 to 1989. The book makes a critical study of the engagement of Indian state and its clientele governments and patronage democracies with political instability to create ‘order’ in ‘durable disorder’. With having examined the different political, military, legal, economic, social, and cultural strategies, instruments and tactics employed by the state at different times to suit changing environments, this is the first work on post 1947 Kashmir which brings together many capital dimensions of state, politics, and governance in Kashmir under one cover. While critically delineating the doings of the governments, the book does not only provide flesh and blood to some existing narratives, it also modifies and even refutes some of the long held assumptions on the basis of hitherto unexamined evidence. All in all, the book illuminates the reader about the policies of Indian state towards Kashmir and the extent the successive governments have succeeded in winning the emotional integration of Kashmiris with the Indian Union. As Sheikh Abdullah was a central figure of Kashmir politics and governance, the readers will find a refreshingly new light on his governance when he was in power, and a most influential agency to mould the public opinion when he was out of state power. Similar revealing information on the other governments are documented for the first time. Having studied each government in its own right, we find the governance characterized by change in continuity. Indeed, governance in Kashmir does not constitute one single development. In essence it is a diachronic assemblage, a composite result of different systems each with its own internal or imposed coherence moving at different speeds—some are stable, some move slowly, and some wear themselves out more quickly depending on various forces and factors. What Happened to Governance in Kashmir? is a telling tale on the state of governance in Kashmir; the policies and strategies adopted by Indian state and the successive patronage governments to grapple with the multifarious problems of the state. Kashmir is an ailing state. It is the victim of colonialism and partition, which subverted its geographical centrality with serious economic implications besides making it a permanent conflict state causing immense human and material loss. Besides being claimed by India, Pakistan, and Kashmiris, it is also a rainbow state very difficult to manage with various ethno-regional and sub-regional nationalities at cross-purposes. Added to this, it is a dependent state. This book situates governance in its total milieu and examines the governance in the framework of challenge and response continuum. It unfolds how in a conflict state like Kashmir democracy and governance is always guided and controlled. This is the first comprehensive book on the post 1947 governance in Kashmir.


2018 ◽  
Vol 59 (1) ◽  
pp. 65-79
Author(s):  
Katarzyna Nikorowicz-Zatorska

Abstract The present paper focuses on spatial management regulations in order to carry out investment in the field of airport facilities. The construction, upgrades, and maintenance of airports falls within the area of responsibility of local authorities. This task poses a great challenge in terms of organisation and finances. On the one hand, an active airport is a municipal landmark and drives local economic, social and cultural development, and on the other, the scale of investment often exceeds the capabilities of local authorities. The immediate environment of the airport determines its final use and prosperity. The objective of the paper is to review legislation that affects airports and the surrounding communities. The process of urban planning in Lodz and surrounding areas will be presented as a background to the problem of land use management in the vicinity of the airport. This paper seeks to address the following questions: if and how airports have affected urban planning in Lodz, does the land use around the airport prevent the development of Lodz Airport, and how has the situation changed over the time? It can be assumed that as a result of lack of experience, land resources and size of investments on one hand and legislative dissonance and peculiar practices on the other, aviation infrastructure in Lodz is designed to meet temporary needs and is characterised by achieving short-term goals. Cyclical problems are solved in an intermittent manner and involve all the municipal resources, so there’s little left to secure long-term investments.


2018 ◽  
pp. 1137-1148
Author(s):  
Dmitrii I. Petin ◽  

The article offers a source study of the letter of the head of the Financial Department at the Siberian Revolutionary Committee F. A. Zemit to the People's Commissar of Finance of the RSFSR N. N. Krestinsky. Its text analysis clears up the issue of creation of Soviet regional governing bodies in the financial–economical sphere in Siberia at the final stage of the Civil War. The published source allows to outline major impediment to restoration of the Soviet finance system in Siberia after the Civil War: shortage of financial workers, their low professional qualifications, lack of regulatory documentation for organizing activities, etc. Key methods used in the study are biographical and problematic/chronological. Biographical method allows to interpret the document and to link it with professional activities of F. A. Zemit in Omsk. The problematic/chronological method allows to trace the developments in regional finance and to understand their causes by placing them into historical framework. The letter was written by F. A. Zemit in early January 1920 – at a most difficult time in his career in Siberia. The author considers this ego-document unique and revealing in its way. On the one hand, it is an official appeal of an inferior financial manager to the head of the People's Commissariat of Finance; its content is practical and no-nonsense. On the other hand, its style indicates a warm friendly and trusting relationship between the sender and the addressee; F. A. Zemit was, apparently, able to report personally to the People's Commissar of Finance of the RSFSR on the difficult situation in the region and to do so with great frankness. This publication may be of interest to scholars in history of Russian finance, Russia Civil War, Soviet society, and Siberia of the period.


2020 ◽  
Vol 2020 (10-2) ◽  
pp. 86-98
Author(s):  
Ivan Popov

The paper deals with the organization and decisions of the conference of the Minister-Presidents of German lands in Munich on June 6-7, 1947, which became the one and only meeting of the heads of the state governments of the western and eastern occupation zones before the division of Germany. The conference was the first experience of national positioning of the regional elite and clearly demonstrated that by the middle of 1947, not only between the allies, but also among German politicians, the incompatibility of perspectives of further constitutional development was existent and all the basic conditions for the division of Germany became ripe. Munich was the last significant demonstration of this disunity and the moment of the final turn towards the three-zone orientation of the West German elite.


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