scholarly journals Uken-Toa in the Pilkada of Central Aceh Regency in 2017: An Identity Politics

Author(s):  
Irmansyah Irmansyah ◽  
Fikarwin Fikarwin ◽  
Warjio Warjio

This study aims at discovering the effect of identity politics of Uken-Toa in elections of regional heads or pemilihan kepala daerah of Central Aceh regency in 2017. This study utilized qualitative method. The method of collecting data was through interview. The location of the study was in Central Aceh regency. The informants were taken from gereral election commission, the winning team of regent and deputy regent candidate of central Aceh regency, the community leaders and traditional institutions of Gayo. The results of the analysis show that there is an effect of the practice of identity politics in the pilkada 2017 in Central Aceh regency, namely the practice of collaboration or political affiliation of Shabela that represents Uken clan and Firdaus that represents Toa clan greatly influences their victory in pilkada. This signifies that there was still massive power of identity as a political instrument. The existence of the power of identity is formed through the course of history, culture and politics. The polarization of the distribution of the identity politics of Uken-Toa in their victory in covering 2 (two) habitus, namely the political habitus Toa actor covers, pragmatism, traditionalism, and loyalty. Then, the political habitus of Uken actor includes, realism, modernism and royalism. The practice of identity politics is a politics that brings together the actors of Uken and Toa clans which include the role of habitus that determines and influences political practices

2018 ◽  
Vol 7 (4.9) ◽  
pp. 104
Author(s):  
Pebriyenn . ◽  
Azwar Ananda ◽  
Nurhizrah Gistituati

This article describes the role of political education to improve public participation in the election of West Sumatra governor. The governor election is expected to be able to raise the level ofoptimism in order to improve the leadership qualities of local government, and the spirit of political education for citizen. This study applied descriptive qualitative method by using interviews and documentations as research instruments. Based on the documentation instrument, it showed the statistics of permanent voters who voted in the 2015 for governor election was 59.58% or 3,489,743 permanent voters. It was implied that 40.42% or 1,410,680 voters did not take their votes. This low level of public participation could be a sign that democracy has not effectively been implemented at the local level. The researchers concluded that the socialization activities of Governor election, as one of responsibilities of General Election Commission, have failed to increase the political awareness of the society.  


Author(s):  
Budi Sunarso

Identity politics is the main focus of the Arfak elite directly, so in practice it involves the role of informal actors and structures of Arfak figures and bureaucracy in Manokwari. The political process gave birth to an ethnic spirit that has increasingly fostered identity in the fabric of life since the current democratic era. First, identity politics gives a large space for the emergence of the spirit of actors / characters to strengthen the position of the elite and local authorities in Manokwari. Second, the role and structure of traditional institutions and political parties in the region. Third, ethnic identity politics developed in Manokwari, which is based on the spirit of true pragmatism, encourages ethnic ethnicity to become a political force that is so special autonomy arises with the birth and birth of a harmonious political culture for Manokwari, West Papua Province.Research with qualitative methods to enable researchers to understand the political attitudes and behavior of the Arfak tribal elites in depth. This qualitative method requires researchers to immerse themselves in the social settings studied, observe people in their natural environment, and participate in their activities. For this reason, this qualitative method is considered appropriate with the aim of research that is to explain the movements of the Arfak tribal elites in politics and government as their strategies to survive. The practice of identity politics in the dynamics of the contestation of Arfak tribal elites began to emerge in the era of Special Autonomy. Where ethnic identity is the result of social interaction between Arfak tribes and other tribes or with immigrants.Ethnic-based Elite battles in Manokwari continue to involve indigenous Papuans in identity political contestation in political dynamics. The politics of Arfak tribal identity is influenced by primordial aspects. Support for political contestation is very dominant in ethnic control.The strengthening of the practice of identity politics in Manokwari was also marked by the strengthening of the identity of differences in tribes in Manokwari where the sociological implications of the strengthening of tribal organizations of the ethnic Papuan Manokwari, as well as non Manokwari and non-Papuan tribes, were also influenced by bureaucrats, the role of the chief, clergy, other religious leaders.


Author(s):  
Zuli Azwen ◽  
Elvina Safitri

This study aims to determine the role of community leaders in shaping the personality of adolescents, the efforts made by community leaders, as well as the obstacles faced in the formation of the personality of teenagers in Tanjung Village. The method used in this research is qualitative method. The research background is located in Tanjung Village, District Bathin VIII, Sarolangun District. Data collection techniques used are observation, interviewand documentation. The results of this study indicate that: The role of community leaders in the formation of adolescent personality is good, by olding programs specifically designed for adolescents so that teenagers can follow and can avoid the form of juvenile delinquency, as well as cooperating with parents as people in the first example by his child. Data collection techniques are through informants. The stages in analyzing the data are: reduction, data presentation and conclusion making. Based on the results of this study indicate the state of personality of adolescents is not good, the efforts made by community leaders in shaping the personality of adolescents in entrepreneurship is good, the obstacles faced come from adolescents, teenage parents, youth education, and communication and information technology that makes adolescents difficult to entrepreneurship. In conclusion, community leaders can shape the personality of adolescents in entrepreneurship, but it must be supported by teenagers and teenage parents themselves. His advice to community leaders must never stop making activities that can make teenagers' personality in entrepreneurship better.


10.1068/a4045 ◽  
2008 ◽  
Vol 40 (11) ◽  
pp. 2674-2692 ◽  
Author(s):  
D Addie Jean-Paul

This paper explores the disparities between the ideological discourses and material outcomes of three key urban policies, contextually grounded within the neoliberalised social and institutional spaces of Over-the-Rhine, Cincinnati. Whilst the rhetoric of neoliberal doctrine presents an emancipatory urban imaginary based upon individual freedom and the beneficent role of free markets, the embedding of the policies discussed accentuates the political and economical disenfranchisement of the most marginalised neighbourhood inhabitants. Moreover, the ability of this group to politically mobilise against hostile neoliberalisation and gentrification is undermined by the facilitation of out-migration of stable low-income families and community leaders, and the reproduction of the negative, criminal, and blighted aspects of Over-the-Rhine's environment. Neoliberalisation is seen to operate through material and discursive moments of social exclusion and in perpetuating sociospatial structures which justify the continued implementation of repressive political and regulatory projects. In concluding, I suggest neoliberal hegemony may be undermined through exposing the ways in which it reproduces and exacerbates the phenomena it condemns.


Author(s):  
I Gede Deddy Rahmat

Abstract:  This research aims to determine and test the effectiveness of the role of the village government in creating a Tourism Village strategy to build competitive advantage in the Era of Industry Revolution 4.0 and to find out the factors that hinder and influence the role of the village government in managing the village of Blimbingsari Tourism Village which is a Special Interest Tourism Village (Spiritual). This research used descriptive qualitative method. The informants in this research were the Headman of Blimbingsari, Village Secretary, BUMDes Treasurer, Secretary of the Tourism Committee, Homestay Owners, Village Community Leaders and Academics. The technique of data collection is done by using triangulation technique (combined), the results of qualitative research emphasize the quality of the meaning of good research.The research results obtained by researchers from interviews, observations, and documentation are the role of the Blimbingsari Tourism Village Government to be carried out well. The Blimbingsari Tourism Village Government has a good role as a stabilizer, innovator and motivator. The provision of internet infrastructure and human resource development is a factor in the development of Blimbingsari tourism village in building competitiveness in the era Industry Revolution 4.0. Abstrak: Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengetahui dan menguji efektifitas peran pemerintah desa dalam menciptakan strategi Desa Wisata untuk membangun keunggulan bersaing di Era Revolusi Industri 4.0 serta mengetahui faktor-faktor yang menghambat dan mempengaruhi peran pemerintah desa dalam pengelolaan desa Desa Wisata Blimbingsari yang merupakan Desa Wisata Minat Khusus (Rohani). Penelitian ini menggunakan metode deskriptif kualitatif. Informan dalam penelitian ini yaitu Perbekel Desa Blimbingsari, Sekretaris Desa, Bendahahara BUMDes, Sekretaris Komite Pariwisata, Pemilik Homestay, Tokoh Masyarakat Desa dan Akademisi. Teknik pengumpulan data dilakukan dengan teknik triangulasi (gabungan), hasil penelitian kualitatif lebih menekankan pada kualitas makna penelitian yang baik.Hasil penelitian yang didapat peneliti dari wawancara, observasi, dan dokumentasi adalah peran Pemerintah Desa Wisata Blimbingsari dilakukan dengan baik. Pemerintah Desa Wisata Blimbingsari memiliki peran yang baik sebagai stabilitator, innovator dan motivator. Pengadaan infrastuktur internet dan pengembangan sumber daya manusia menjadi faktor pada pengembangan desa wisata Blimbingsari dalam membangun daya saing di era Revolusi Industri 4.0. 


2016 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 62-88 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kristie Drucza

Fragile states constitute a challenging operating environment. Yet, the role of development partner engagement on issues of social inclusion, identity politics, or horizontal inequalities in such fragile environments has not received the attention these complex issues warrant. The attitudes of development actors, their level of commitment, bias, risk management, and understanding of the political settlement can have a real bearing on the effectiveness of such efforts to promote inclusion. In Nepal, certain development partners have faced elite backlash for their engagement on social inclusion, while others have been more successful. This article asks what lessons can be learned from these experiences for those interested in promoting social inclusion in fragile states through development assistance.


2019 ◽  
pp. 137-146
Author(s):  
Abdullahi Odowa

This chapter describes the role of traditional peacemaking in the Sanaag region of Somaliland. The civil war in Somaliland spawned devastating inter‐ and intra-clan violence and political power struggles which caused the death and displacement of thousands. Over several years, peace initiatives were led by clan elders and community leaders, using xeer. The initiatives were largely successful because of the political will to make them succeed and the spirit of reconciliation; the way they worked upwards from grassroots level, and the fact that they were locally funded, with minimal government interference. However, there has been inadequate implementation of agreements, insufficient memorialization of victims, and lack of fair and effective governance. It is argued that local reconciliation processes are fragile and therefore vulnerable to external intervention. They must be locally owned, free from fixed agendas or deadlines, and work from the bottom up.


2019 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 113-140
Author(s):  
Hanna Söderbaum

This article analyzes the agency of wealthy businessmen-politicians’ philanthropy foundations during the Ukrainian Maidan protests of 2013-14 in which crowdfunding and grassroots mobilization constituted key distinctive features. As the role of these philanthropy foundations remains obscure, this article aims to bridge this gap in our knowledge of Ukrainian politics and society. The protesters strived to achieve social change and democratization similar to what was being purported by wealthy businessmen-politicians’ foundations during the years leading up to the protests. However, since the protesters specified one particular aim as “de-oligarchization,” the involvement of these organizations is puzzling. What did these foundations do at this critical point? To what extent can their actions or inactions be explained by the institutional and framework constraints of the foundations, the strategies of the wealthy businessmen-politicians behind the foundations, and the lack of the foundations’ legitimacy in the eyes of the civic sector activists? The analysis covers different types of foundation and is based on semi-structured interviews involving the foundations’ representatives, think-and-do tank analysts, and Maidan activists, over the years 2011 to 2017. The findings show that the organizational entities were largely directed by their respective founders. This indicates a dependence of the philanthropic organization on the political affiliation of the founder, rather than on the framed ambition of the foundation. Similar to the impact of philanthropic organizations in other institutional contexts, the impact of philanthropy foundations on the Maidan social movement proved marginal. Since oligarchs could not be invisible during the political turmoil, they tried to retain a position from which they could deny responsibility for specific actions. The logic of commitment compensation and the logic of flexibility advanced by Markus and Charnysh proved useful for analyzing the strategies of these businessmen-politicians.


2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (4) ◽  
pp. 137
Author(s):  
La Ode Efrianto ◽  
La Ode Ramalan ◽  
Amos Amos ◽  
Wa Ode Lusianai

The political practice of students in the 2019 simultaneous elections formed by mobilization carried out by candidates for legislative members from various electoral districts together with the winning team and from the party's elite forms a stimulus so that student political participation is deliberately formed according to the political wishes of the legislative members who carry out mobilization. Mobilization results in political participation arising from students no longer based on conscience. This study aims to Political Participation of Students in 2019 Simultaneous Elections. This study uses a qualitative method. Qualitative research is aimed at describing and analyzing phenomena, events, social activities, attitudes, beliefs, perceptions and human thoughts individually or in groups. The results showed that the students' political practice in the 2019 simultaneous elections formed by the mobilization carried out by legislative candidates from various electoral districts together with the winning teams and from the party's elite formed a stimulus so that student political participation was formed in accordance with the political desires of legislative members who mobilize. Mobilization results in political participation arising from students no longer based on conscience.


2021 ◽  
pp. 186810342110074
Author(s):  
Afrimadona

This article discusses the nature and extent of ideological predispositions of the Jakarta electorate. Using a survey of a random sample of voting-aged Jakarta population, this research attempts to explore how polarised the voters are and how their ideological proclivities are related to their political alignment. The distribution of the ideological map shows that voters are generally divided on political secularism and economic dimensions. On the political secular dimension, Anies-Prabowo’s voters tend to support the larger role of Islam and Muslim clerics in politics while Ahok-Jokowi’s are resistant to the increasing role of Islam and its clerics in politics. On the economic dimension, Anies-Prabowo’s voters are more inclined towards economic nationalist views while Ahok-Jokowi’s are more tolerant of economic liberalism. However, further multi-variate tests reveal that the political affiliation drives the ideological cleavage in political secularism dimension only. Meanwhile, in the economic dimension, the main driver is party identification.


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