scholarly journals Gender Quotas in Clientelist Systems: The Case of Morocco’s National List

1970 ◽  
pp. 79-86
Author(s):  
James Liddell
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Arab World ◽  
Women's Movements ◽  
Gender Quotas ◽  
Arab Region ◽  
Representation Of Women ◽  
The Family ◽  
Women In Parliament ◽  
Gender Quota ◽  
Family Code

The use of parliamentary quotas to increase women’s political participation has gained a lot of traction in women’s empowerment discourse. Women’s movements worldwide have been working hard to make progress in ensuring a more equal representation of women in parties and parliament alike. So far during this decade, Morocco has emerged as one of the leading models for increasing women’s rights in the Arab world. In 2002, an informal agreement among political parties to establish a gender quota for women in parliament quickly gave Morocco one of the highest levels of women’s representation in the Arab region. Just two years later, women’s groups celebrated one of their greatest victories with the reform of the family code, moudawana, in 2004. Both of these events coincided with an increase in the number of women in positions of power.

scholarly journals Women in Arab Parliaments: Can Gender Quotas Contribute to Democratization?

1970 ◽  
pp. 28-37 ◽  
Author(s):  
Drude Dahlerup
Keyword(s):  
Arab World ◽  
Political Representation ◽  
Arab Countries ◽  
Gender Quotas ◽  
Arab Region ◽  
Representation Of Women ◽  
Rate Of Increase ◽  
The World ◽  
Women In Parliament

The Arab region has the lowest representation of women in parliament in the world: ten percent. Yet, seen in a ten-year perspective, the Arab region has witnessed the highest rate of increase, having started from a very low position. All over the world gender quotas are being adopted in order to rapidly increase women’s political representation. The Arab world is part of this new trend, and today eleven Arab countries have adopted electoral gender quotas. Globally, women are still vastly underrepresented in politics. Only 19 percent of the seats in the world’s parliaments are occupied by women, 81 percent by men (Inter-Parliamentary Union, 2010).

scholarly journals Janus Faced of Women's Parliament Family Line: Representation of Women in Politics and Party Oligarchy

2021 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 117
Author(s):  
Ardhana Ulfa Azis ◽  
Mia Siscawati
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Representation ◽  
Political Process ◽  
The Political ◽  
Representation Of Women ◽  
Members Of Parliament ◽  
The Family ◽  
Women In Parliament ◽  
Election Results ◽  
The One

The implementation of affirmative quota policies by political structures, especially political parties as one of the elements of the political infrastructure, has provided the widest possible opportunity for women to be directly involved in the political process, such as becoming members of parliament to carry out over sight, budgeting, and legislative functions: the making and policymaking and political decisions. This research examines how women in the family path of the 2019’s election results, on the one hand, their faces are seen as political representatives of women in parliament, but on the other hand, they are also seen as representatives of the interests of party oligarchy in parliament. We explored the filling of affirmative quotas for female parliamentary candidates from the family line by political parties which allowed us to identify women parliamentarians from the family line as having two faces, namely as women's political representatives as well as party political representatives. In a stronger party oligarchy, we argue that filling the affirmative quota of female parliamentary candidates from the family line apart from being urged by the affirmative quota policy for 30%women's political representation, is also motivated by the interests of party oligarchy. We adopt the thoughts of Anne Phillips (1991) about the politics of presence which sees that women's representation in parliament starts from the number, not from the policies they produce.

Women, Politics, and Gender Quotas

1970 ◽  
pp. 18-27
Author(s):  
Valentine M. Moghadam
Keyword(s):  
Women's Rights ◽  
Political Party ◽  
Political Power ◽  
Women’S Rights ◽  
Gender Quotas ◽  
Arab Region ◽  
The World ◽  
Politics And Gender ◽  
And Gender ◽  
Gender Quota

The argument for gender quotas – made by women’s rights activists across the globe has come about in response to women’s continued collective marginalization from political power. According to data from the Inter-Parliamentary Union (2005), the global average for women’s parliamentary representation is 18 percent, with high rates in the Nordic countries, Rwanda, and Argentina, and low rates in the Arab region and Iran.In the vast majority of countries, political power – legislative, juridicial, and executive rests in the hands of men. In recent decades, therefore, the worldwide growth of a population of educated, employed, mobile, and politically aware women, combined with the diffusion of the UN-sponsored global women’s rights agenda, has increased calls for women’s political participation and representation. One of the mechanisms to realize this objective is the gender quota. Feminist groups around the world favor the implementation of the gender quota – which may come in the form of a constitutional quota, an electoral quota, or a political party quota – but it remains both controversial and elusive, especially in the Middle East.

scholarly journals FENOMENA WAKIL PEREMPUAN (Di Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat Daerah Kabupaten Garut Periode 2019-2024)

2020 ◽  
pp. 118-135
Author(s):  
Lilis Sholihah ◽  
Naufal Ashiil Al Farisi
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Social Relations ◽  
House Of Representatives ◽  
Double Burden ◽  
Four Dimensions ◽  
Representation Of Women ◽  
District Council ◽  
Analysis Technique ◽  
Women In Parliament ◽  
The Government

Deputy garut district council members of the period but only the 2019-2024 is 50 and 9 members legislative women or only 18 % woman to members of the legislature has yet to reach hope 30 % representation of women in garut district council 2019-2024 period. This show representation of women in parliament is still low. While, the act of political parties and election gave opportunities for women to participate in politics and into. legislative institutions. Research conducted has the find out how women are represented in the Regional House of Representatives of Garut in the period 2019-2024 and the inhibiting factors that influence and the efforts made to increase women's representation in the Regional Representative Council of Garut. The theory used is electoral representation theory according to Piktin with four dimensions, namely representative, represented, the substance of representation and context. The method used in the research is a qualitative research method by describing descriptive data and inductive approaches. Supporting data collection methods in research through observation, interviews, and documentation. Data analysis technique used is by reduction of data, display data, and reflecting g conclusion. The research results showed that the representation of women in the the Regional House of Representatives of Garut in the period 2019-2024 was still low. This is caused by internal factors, namely the confidence of women, social relations, double burden and political costs and external factors, namely patriarchal culture and political constraints. In this research we initialize to the government and political parties to do sosialisai the importance of of the representation of women in legislative and suggesting prospective members legoslatif women for developed a good relationship with the community, accommodated and expectations of women in parliament this with to be demonstrated by birth to legal products, programs and policies that are pro against women and as well as improvement system regeneration women. Keywords: Representation of women, regional house of representatives.

From Critical Mass to Critical Leaders: Unpacking the Political Conditions behind Gender Quotas in Africa

2018 ◽  
Vol 14 (3) ◽  
pp. 295-322 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christie Marie Arendt
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Competition ◽  
Critical Mass ◽  
Political Activity ◽  
Gender Quotas ◽  
African Countries ◽  
Women Legislators ◽  
Party Control ◽  
Political Conditions ◽  
Gender Quota

The surge in gender quotas across Africa raises questions about the varied impacts of these measures on women's empowerment in legislatures. This study contends that we must explore the diverse political conditions under which quotas are adopted to understand the potential for empowerment in legislatures. By examining political context, we can pinpoint why political parties acquiesce to gender quotas and how they design laws to either empower women or reinforce party control. Parties influence aspects of gender quota design that have lasting effects on women legislators elected through these laws. Employing a new measure of legislative leadership equity, this article compares political conditions under which quotas are adopted across 18 African countries and the extent to which women reach leadership positions following the implementation of a quota. Levels of political competition and women's mainstream political activity at the time of gender quota adoption indicate how the interests of political parties shape the design and effects of the law. That the outcomes of gender quotas are highly contingent on adoption context suggests the need for academics and policy makers to analyze the politics behind these measures to develop country-specific approaches for empowering women in politics.

scholarly journals The Irish legislative gender quota: The first election

2017 ◽  
Vol 65 (2) ◽  
pp. 15-35
Author(s):  
Mary Brennan ◽  
Fiona Buckley
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Reform ◽  
General Election ◽  
Candidate Selection ◽  
Descriptive Representation ◽  
Gender Quotas ◽  
Reform Agenda ◽  
Gender Quota ◽  
The Impact ◽  
Do So

Abstract In 2012 legislative gender quotas were introduced as part of the Fine Gael/Labour coalition government’s political reform agenda. The legislation specifies that payments to political parties ‘shall be reduced by 50 per cent, unless at least 30 per cent of the candidates whose candidatures were authenticated by the qualified party at the preceding general election were women and at least 30 per cent were men’. The 30 per cent gender threshold came into effect at the 2016 general election. Research demonstrates that gender quotas work to increase women’s political descriptive representation, but to do so, political parties must engage with them in ‘goodwill’, be ‘wellintentioned’ or place women in ‘winnable seats’. This article examines if this was the case at the 2016 general election. Using statistics, as well as drawing from interviews with party strategists, the article assesses the impact of gender quotas on women’s candidate selection and election. We conclude that parties did embrace the spirit of the gender quota law but resistance remains.

Gender Equality from Beneath: Electoral Gender Quotas in Poland

2013 ◽  
Vol 28 (02) ◽  
pp. 151-168 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anna Śledzińska-Simon ◽  
Adam Bodnar
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Gender Equality ◽  
Public Debate ◽  
Social Mobilization ◽  
Democratic Legitimacy ◽  
Women In Politics ◽  
Gender Quotas ◽  
The Public ◽  
Representation Of Women ◽  
Polish Law

Abstract This article explores the introduction of electoral gender quotas and the unprecedented social mobilization in pursuit of gender equality in Poland. The quota law was adopted as a citizens’ initiative organized by the Congress of Women, a new women’s movement. The article analyzes the factors that account for the success of this initiative, which permanently changed the public debate on gender rights in Poland. In contrast to other countries with legislative gender quotas, the Polish law was the result of bottom-up processes, and it has a strong democratic legitimacy. The law has not significantly influenced the representation of women in the Parliament, yet it significantly mainstreamed the gender perspective in the public debate. Nonetheless, the way in which the quota law has been applied by political parties shows that Polish women in politics are a “minority” devoid of power, and that the prospects for a parity democracy are still remote.

Gender Quotas in Ireland

2021 ◽  
pp. 576-594
Author(s):  
Fiona Buckley ◽  
Mary Brennan
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Electoral System ◽  
Proportional Representation ◽  
General Election ◽  
Candidate Selection ◽  
Gender Quotas ◽  
Single Transferable Vote ◽  
Selection Processes ◽  
The Law ◽  
Gender Quota

This chapter considers the implementation and effect of legislative gender quotas in the 2016 general election, a first for Ireland and a first for the proportional representation by means of the single transferable vote electoral system (PR-STV). It focuses on political parties and examines how they integrated the formal gender quota law into their candidate selection processes. Particular attention is paid to whether the law changed existing candidate selection practices, many of which are guided by informal candidate selection norms, such as a preference for incumbents and those exhibiting localist traits. The chapter concludes that the gender quota law did engender change in the candidate recruitment, selection, and election of women, but, as scholars of feminist institutionalism would describe, the change was ‘nested’ and ‘bounded’ within existing practices surrounding candidate selection, thereby denting but not dismantling the gendered norms of this process.

scholarly journals KOMITMEN PARTAI POLITIK TERHADAP PENCALONANPEREMPUAN SEBAGAI ANGGOTA LEGISLATIF DALAM UPAYA REALISASI UNDANG-UNDANG NO. 12 TH. 2003 DI PEKANBARU

2016 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 165
Author(s):  
Sofia Hardani
Keyword(s):  
Qualitative Study ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Local Level ◽  
The Political ◽  
Party Leaders ◽  
Legislative Council ◽  
Representation Of Women ◽  
Female Candidates ◽  
Women In Parliament ◽  
Electoral Law

The involvement of women in formal politics in Indonesia began to be taken into account since the enactment of the Electoral Law No. 12 In 2003, on the General Election. In Act specified 30% representation of women from all political parties in the parliamentary candidates in national and local level. In Riau Province, the representation of women in parliament has increased. but have not been able to meet the 30% quota for women. This is due to the attitude of the political parties have tended masculine. Undertake research to uncover the commitment of political parties to the nomination of women as members of the legislature in an attempt realization of law no. 12 of 2003 in the province of Riau. This study is a qualitative study, obtained by interview and observation to the board of DPD Golkar, PAN, PKS and the female candidates of political parties elected to the Legislative Council Pekanbaru period 2009-2014. The findings show the phenomenon of “halfhearted” of the party leadership to implement article 65, paragraph 1 of Law No. 12 in 2003 and are not genderresponsive policies, most party leaders still view women as “second class citizens” who do not deserve to sit in the first sequence number representing the party

scholarly journals Toward Understanding Arab Women's Cultural Landscapes

2017 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 14
Author(s):  
Akram Shalghin
Keyword(s):  
Cultural Landscapes ◽  
Arab World ◽  
Arab Women ◽  
The Public ◽  
Representation Of Women ◽  
The Family ◽  
Decision Making Processes ◽  
Male Dominated ◽  
The Public Sphere ◽  
Arabic Speaking

The cultural representation of women in the Arab world is a complex issue due to the sensitivity surrounding their status in the region. We are confronted with many ways in which women are misrepresented and distorted.  There are false claims used by male dominated culture(s) in the Arab world about women and their intellectual and physical capabilities. Indeed, Arab women are often prevented from representing themselves.  When they are present, they are conceptualized as serving a decorative purpose. When women are given platforms from which they may speak, they are expected to reiterate male discourses.The paper focuses on the cultural and political marginalization and misrepresentation of Arab women and describes a number of cultural biases against women in Arabic-speaking societies. Based on culturally constructed misconceptions, Arab women are effaced and excluded from decision-making processes both politically, where they are subjugated and denied a social voice in the public sphere in favour of male-dominated discourses, and within the private sphere of the family where they are subordinate to male relatives. 

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