scholarly journals KOMITMEN PARTAI POLITIK TERHADAP PENCALONANPEREMPUAN SEBAGAI ANGGOTA LEGISLATIF DALAM UPAYA REALISASI UNDANG-UNDANG NO. 12 TH. 2003 DI PEKANBARU

2016 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 165
Author(s):  
Sofia Hardani
Keyword(s):  
Qualitative Study ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Local Level ◽  
The Political ◽  
Party Leaders ◽  
Legislative Council ◽  
Representation Of Women ◽  
Female Candidates ◽  
Women In Parliament ◽  
Electoral Law

The involvement of women in formal politics in Indonesia began to be taken into account since the enactment of the Electoral Law No. 12 In 2003, on the General Election. In Act specified 30% representation of women from all political parties in the parliamentary candidates in national and local level. In Riau Province, the representation of women in parliament has increased. but have not been able to meet the 30% quota for women. This is due to the attitude of the political parties have tended masculine. Undertake research to uncover the commitment of political parties to the nomination of women as members of the legislature in an attempt realization of law no. 12 of 2003 in the province of Riau. This study is a qualitative study, obtained by interview and observation to the board of DPD Golkar, PAN, PKS and the female candidates of political parties elected to the Legislative Council Pekanbaru period 2009-2014. The findings show the phenomenon of “halfhearted” of the party leadership to implement article 65, paragraph 1 of Law No. 12 in 2003 and are not genderresponsive policies, most party leaders still view women as “second class citizens” who do not deserve to sit in the first sequence number representing the party

scholarly journals Janus Faced of Women's Parliament Family Line: Representation of Women in Politics and Party Oligarchy

2021 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 117
Author(s):  
Ardhana Ulfa Azis ◽  
Mia Siscawati
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Representation ◽  
Political Process ◽  
The Political ◽  
Representation Of Women ◽  
Members Of Parliament ◽  
The Family ◽  
Women In Parliament ◽  
Election Results ◽  
The One

The implementation of affirmative quota policies by political structures, especially political parties as one of the elements of the political infrastructure, has provided the widest possible opportunity for women to be directly involved in the political process, such as becoming members of parliament to carry out over sight, budgeting, and legislative functions: the making and policymaking and political decisions. This research examines how women in the family path of the 2019’s election results, on the one hand, their faces are seen as political representatives of women in parliament, but on the other hand, they are also seen as representatives of the interests of party oligarchy in parliament. We explored the filling of affirmative quotas for female parliamentary candidates from the family line by political parties which allowed us to identify women parliamentarians from the family line as having two faces, namely as women's political representatives as well as party political representatives. In a stronger party oligarchy, we argue that filling the affirmative quota of female parliamentary candidates from the family line apart from being urged by the affirmative quota policy for 30%women's political representation, is also motivated by the interests of party oligarchy. We adopt the thoughts of Anne Phillips (1991) about the politics of presence which sees that women's representation in parliament starts from the number, not from the policies they produce.

The Strategic Coordination under Quasi-SNTV: A Case Study of Hong Kong

2017 ◽  
Vol 18 (1) ◽  
pp. 155-175
Author(s):  
JUDY CHIA YIN WEI
Keyword(s):  
Hong Kong ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Democratic Party ◽  
The Political ◽  
Legislative Council ◽  
Internal Conflicts ◽  
Strategic Coordination ◽  
Single List ◽  
Better Than

AbstractThis article aims to explore the effects of quasi-SNTV (Single Non-transferable Vote) under the Largest Remainder Proportional Representation (LRPR) in Legislative Council (LegCo) elections in the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (HKSAR) after the British handover of 1997. Although the quasi-SNTV results from the inability of political parties to control their candidates, the Democratic Party (DP) and the Democratic Alliance for the Betterment of Hong Kong (DAB) can obtain more seats in total than they could by coordinating around one single list if they can successfully control their party label and the political camps can coordinate different parties and candidates. The quasi-SNTV in Hong Kong is notable for the strategic coordination found in its alliances, a key aspect that differentiates it from Colombia's quasi-SNTV. The DP's failure can be attributed to its internal conflicts and the lack of coordination among the pro-democracy alliances. In contrast to the democratic camp, which lacks any overriding authority to coordinate different parties and candidates, the pro-China's united front machinery facilitates coordination and helps the DAB perform better than the DP in quasi-SNTV.

Conditions for new parties’ participation in a founding election in a democratic transition

2016 ◽  
Vol 24 (4) ◽  
pp. 434-443
Author(s):  
Myriam Aït-Aoudia
Keyword(s):  
Qualitative Study ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Case Studies ◽  
Electoral Competition ◽  
Analytical Framework ◽  
The Political ◽  
Democratic Transitions ◽  
New Parties ◽  
First Time

The literature on democratic transitions considers the participation of new parties in the first pluralist election in a post-authoritarian context (founding election) as something to be taken for granted. As such, it is never questioned. Specialists in democratic transitions ignore the research on “new parties,” which is, nonetheless, essential to the understanding of the particular characteristics of a post-authoritarian situation. Using an original qualitative study on Algeria, this article proposes to bring to light the political, organizational, and legal conditions of new political parties’ participation or nonparticipation in a founding election. In particular, this research allows us to grasp the dilemmas and difficulties faced by leaders of new parties and the types of support on which they rely to engage for the first time in an electoral competition. The analytical framework stemming from this “case study” is applicable to other national case studies.

Mexico's June elections face serious crime risk

2016 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Local Governments ◽  
Local Level ◽  
The Political ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
Physical Attack ◽  
Serious Crime ◽  
State And Local ◽  
Crime Risk

Subject The weakness of state and local level institutions is encouraging more intervention from Mexico City. Significance With twelve Mexican states set to go to the polls on June 5, and a thirteenth holding elections on July 3, longstanding concerns regarding the risk of criminal infiltration in local governments have returned to the fore. Beyond the political manipulation of alleged political-criminal links, political actors appear increasingly aware of their vulnerability to threats, intimidation and physical attack. Impacts How federal and local authorities manage criminal threats will be central to the outcome of the forthcoming elections. Candidate screening will be ineffective as long as federal authorities and political parties are both reluctant to lead the process. Politically motivated intervention will worsen, with all parties using criminal accusations to smear or disqualify other candidates.

I. The Committee-Men in the Long Parliament, August 1642–December 1643

1965 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-15 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lotte Glow
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Civil Service ◽  
State Intervention ◽  
The Political ◽  
House Of Commons ◽  
Political Activities ◽  
Party Leaders ◽  
Political Views ◽  
The World ◽  
The Commons

It has been said that the Civil War was won by committees. Recent writers on this subject have begun to show how parliamentary policy and its execution was forged in the committee chambers rather than on the crowded floor of the House of Commons. This article is concerned with the personnel of these committees, in particular with those men who were not famous for their political activities and attitudes. Obviously, a core of leaders was needed in order to direct the business of the committees, to give continuity to their proceedings and to ensure that their work was in accord with the policy of the Commons. But the political ‘parties’ were relatively small, and with all the enthusiasm in the world their members could not attend personally to all aspects of government, civil and military. This study is concerned with the men who had no known political views but who contributed a great deal of time and effort to the running of parliamentary affairs. Because of their relative obscurity in the House it will be useful to ask why they were chosen to serve on certain committees, how their background and activity compared with that of their more ‘political’ colleagues, and how they reacted to situations where they were required to take a political stand. Above all, it will be possible to judge whether these men formed a coherent group rather than a random collection of individuals. These men owed their positions to their administrative skill rather than to their political affiliations. As administrators they were responsible to the legislature, and during a time of intensified state intervention, they became analogous to a non-political civil service, ready to execute the policy decisions of the party leaders.

scholarly journals Fenomena Politik ‘Pamer-Ganti Bojo’ Konstelasi Pemilihan Bupati dan Wakil Bupati 2020 di Rembang

POLITEA ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 19
Author(s):  
Moh Sugihariyadi
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Ethical Issues ◽  
Selection Process ◽  
Phenomenological Approach ◽  
The Political ◽  
Leadership Succession ◽  
Electoral Process ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Right ◽  
Electoral Law

<p class="06IsiAbstrak"><span lang="EN-GB">'Show-Changing Bojo' Politics in the Constellation of Election of Regent and Deputy Regent of Rembang. The election of the Regent and Deputy Regent of Rembang is based on the electeroral law. Electoral law is followed by an electoral process, one of which is by receiving input from the public. Because people have the right, opportunity and receive equal services based on statutory regulations. Submission of candidate pairs for Regent and Deputy Regent candidates by the DPC Political Party needs to consider the electoral law and electoral process, including ethical issues in politics. This study aims to analyze the political style of the candidates for regent and deputy regent of Rembang in leadership succession through the 'bojo showing off' model. The method used is qualitative with a phenomenological approach, which proves that community participation in the selection process of prospective regents and deputy regents at the level of political parties is never a concern. Therefore, 'showing off' bojo is one way to attract the attention of the public to pay attention to the succession of the leadership.</span></p>

Bosnia's problematic party scene will delay reform

2015 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Culture ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Pluralism ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Party Leaders ◽  
Reform Agenda ◽  
Political Situation ◽  
Government Institutions ◽  
Political Scene

Subject Party congresses' ratcheting up of political tensions. Significance Many of the divisions and problems present in executive, legislative, judicial and other institutions at all administrative levels in Bosnia-Hercegovina (BiH) derive from structural weaknesses in the political scene and poor political culture. All main parties are likely to maintain or further radicalise their positions, destabilising an already difficult political situation. This, in turn, could bring down the reform agenda which is under a tight, year-end deadline, jeopardising financial liquidity and challenging an EU breakthrough. Impacts The easy re-election of party leaders with little or no opposition shows the continuing low level of democracy and political pluralism. Some parties' congress declarations clearly show the further advance of radical nationalist and separatist agendas. BiH's patronage system will continue to impair the capacities of political parties and the effectiveness of government institutions.

The Troubled Partnership: Trade Unions and Working-class Parties in Italy, 1948-78

1978 ◽  
Vol 13 (4) ◽  
pp. 416-436
Author(s):  
Paolo Farneti
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Working Class ◽  
Labour Market ◽  
Trade Union ◽  
Trade Unions ◽  
The Political ◽  
Party Leaders ◽  
Political Market

The problem of ‘tutelage’ of trade unions by political parties in italy must be seen against a background of: the structural conditions of the labour market (where trade unions are active) and those of the ‘political market’ (where parties are active) as masses for manoeuvre used to attain certain aims; the characteristics of the leadership of the trade unions and those of the political parties; the ‘styles of leadership’ (including the conduct of conflict) by trade union and party leaders.

The Representation of Women in Turkish Local Governments

2016 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 212
Author(s):  
Pinar Savaş Yavuzçehre ◽  
Mısra Ciğeroğlu Öztepe
Keyword(s):  
Local Governments ◽  
Political Representation ◽  
Local Level ◽  
The Political ◽  
Significant Issue ◽  
Political Decision ◽  
Representation Of Women ◽  
The World ◽  
Decision Making Processes ◽  
Political Decision Making

Turkey is one of the countries which has the lowest representation of women in local governments (LGs) in the world. While in many countries, women are more successful to participate in local political decision-making processes, the situation is vice versa in Turkey. The tendency of women to participate in politics at both national and local level is quite low in the country and this arises from several reasons such as the cultural and patriarchal structure of the country, the roles attributed to women by society, the insufficiency of women's education level etc. In this framework, this study aims to evaluate the representation of women in the LGs in Turkey. In this context, the theoretical framework is examined and the data and statistics regarding the issue are analyzed. Our analysis reveals that despite the efforts to increase the political representation of women in LGs, the invisibility of women in LGs is still a significant issue in the country.

Post as Much and as Diversely as Possible

2019 ◽  
pp. 983-1004
Author(s):  
Alem Maksuti ◽  
Tomaž Deželan
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Driving Force ◽  
The Political ◽  
Election Campaign ◽  
Election Campaigns ◽  
Message Delivery ◽  
Party Leaders ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
Political Messages ◽  
Different Types

The daily interaction between political parties and voters is a driving force in election campaigns and can influence their outcomes. The theory of campaign intensity holds that the timing of message delivery in an election campaign is a key component of the strategies used by political actors. However, this theory also warns political actors to be cautious about the timing of different types of messages sent during the election campaign. Our objective is to examine the intensity and types of messages Slovenian political actors communicated through Twitter during different stages in the 2014 national election campaign. Our study conducts a content analysis of 7,113 tweets posted during the last four weeks of the official election campaign. It includes 17 official accounts of Slovenian parties, party leaders, and influential party twitterians. The results indicated that the stage of the campaign and the differences between established and fringe political parties significantly influenced the intensity of Twitter communications during the study period. The results also revealed that the political actors tweeted different types of political messages (e.g., to inform and to persuade voters) during different stages of the campaign.

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