Extra-Legal Political Parties in Wisconsin

1954 ◽  
Vol 48 (3) ◽  
pp. 692-704 ◽  
Author(s):  
Frank J. Sorauf

American political parties have long been the victims of a peculiarly ambivalent public attitude—an attitude which on the one hand views them as perverters of the democratic spirit while on the other hand it gives them a vital role in the political process. Much of the regulation imposed on the parties in this spirit of distrust makes it all the more difficult for them to carry out their political role. To operate successfully, they have been forced to adapt their organization and functions to rigorous legal climates.The vagueness and flexibility of political organization in the states reflect this constant struggle the parties wage to maintain their vitality and integrity against what are frequently severe legal odds. Parties have learned to create informal organs which will be effective and practical. Consequently, the real centers of political power rarely parallel the orderly, pyramided party organzations that the states create. The state or local party leader who holds no formal party office and the extra-legal organization or “machine” are commonplaces in American politics.

Author(s):  
Ardhana Ulfa Azis ◽  
Mia Siscawati

The implementation of affirmative quota policies by political structures, especially political parties as one of the elements of the political infrastructure, has provided the widest possible opportunity for women to be directly involved in the political process, such as becoming members of parliament to carry out over sight, budgeting, and legislative functions: the making and policymaking and political decisions. This research examines how women in the family path of the 2019’s election results, on the one hand, their faces are seen as political representatives of women in parliament, but on the other hand, they are also seen as representatives of the interests of party oligarchy in parliament. We explored the filling of affirmative quotas for female parliamentary candidates from the family line by political parties which allowed us to identify women parliamentarians from the family line as having two faces, namely as women's political representatives as well as party political representatives. In a stronger party oligarchy, we argue that filling the affirmative quota of female parliamentary candidates from the family line apart from being urged by the affirmative quota policy for 30%women's political representation, is also motivated by the interests of party oligarchy. We adopt the thoughts of Anne Phillips (1991) about the politics of presence which sees that women's representation in parliament starts from the number, not from the policies they produce.


2021 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 67-90
Author(s):  
Hamdani Kurniawan ◽  
Ari Ganjar Herdiansah ◽  
Husin Muhammad Al-Banjari

Minority groups often get discriminatory treatment from the surrounding socio-political environment .Therefore, They always fight for their right through political path. This study examines the role of an actor in fighting for the minorities’ right in parliament by highlighting the case of Jalaludin Rakhmat when he was a member of the House of Representatives Council in 2014-2019. The focus of this study is highlighting the political role of Jalaludin Rakhmat in fighting for the interests of the Syiah Group in the DPR, including describing the various dynamics along with it. The method used in this study is qualitative by collecting in depth-interview data with Jalaludin Rakhmat, several PDIP politicians, Syiah figures in West Java, and socio-political observers. The documents reading related to Jalaludin Rakhmat’s activities in both scientific journals and national news was also carried out to deepen the context and issues of Syiah in Indonesia. The results of this study revealed that Jalaludin Rakhmat’s role in legislative represents an actor-centered effort to intervene in the political process which aims to provide space for Syia groups to fulfill their various interests. However, from its political intervention efforts, it turned out that there were not many pro-Syia policy products.The success of Jalaludin Rakhmat’s intervention can not be determined only by the ability of the actor, but also by the political structure in the DPR. In addition, the identity attached to an actor also affects the success of his achievements in fulfilling his interests. Minority interest issues are still considered politically disadvantageous for political parties. This study concludes that minority actors who make it into parliament do not necessarily correlate with the opening of the political system to the struggle of minority groups.


2020 ◽  
Vol 15 (6) ◽  
pp. 59-70
Author(s):  
D.N. NECHAEV ◽  
◽  
V.V. OGNEVA ◽  

The authors emphasize the importance of a competitive democratic process, in which political parties participate, and which determines the "winners" and "losers", the degree of participation of parties in the system of government and political decision-making. In addition, the tendency of constant transformation and adaptation of parties to the challenges of the times, changes in the configuration of party actors (increasing the influence of populists, left-wing and nationalist parties) is also obvious. The object of the research is political parties in national parties that are influenced by domestic and foreign political factors. The subject of the research is changes in the content and orientation of the activities of political parties, transformational shifts in the party systems of national states. The election campaigns of various levels (presidential, parliamentary, regional, local) in a number of countries in the world in 2020 clearly confirmed two main trends in relation to the institution of political parties. Moreover, these trends in many respects contradict each other. On the one hand, this competitive electoral, as well as the political process in general, is impossible without political parties. On the other hand, in various societies with different historical, cultural and civilizational traditions, there are still serious claims to this institution of the political system, a request for renewal of elements of national parties.


Author(s):  
أ.د.عبد الجبار احمد عبد الله

In order to codify the political and partisan activity in Iraq, after a difficult labor, the Political Parties Law No. (36) for the year 2015 started and this is positive because it is not normal for the political parties and forces in Iraq to continue without a legal framework. Article (24) / paragraph (5) of the law requires that the party and its members commit themselves to the following: (To preserve the neutrality of the public office and public institutions and not to exploit it for the gains of a party or political organization). This is considered because it is illegal to exploit State institutions for partisan purposes . It is a moral duty before the politician not to exploit the political parties or some of its members or those who try to speak on their behalf directly or indirectly to achieve partisan gains. Or personality against other personalities and parties at the expense of the university entity.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-19
Author(s):  
Benjamin Moffitt

Abstract How does a political party become ‘mainstream’? And what makes some parties receive arguably the opposite designation – ‘pariah party’? This conceptual article examines the processes by which parties’ mainstream or pariah status must be constructed, negotiated and policed, not only by political scientists in the pursuit of case selection, but by several actors actively involved in the political process, including media actors and political parties themselves. It explains how these actors contribute to these processes of ‘mainstreaming’ and ‘pariahing’, considers their motivations and provides illustrative examples of how such processes take place. As such, the article moves beyond the literature on the ways in which mainstream parties seek to deal with or respond to threats from a variety of pariah parties, instead paying attention to how those parties have been constructed as pariahs in the first place, and how these processes simultaneously contribute to the maintenance of mainstream party identities.


2021 ◽  
Vol 27 (5) ◽  
pp. 63-67
Author(s):  
T. Beydina ◽  
◽  
N. Zimina ◽  
A. Novikova ◽  
◽  
...  

Political parties today are important elements of the regional political process. Parties, along with other political institutions, participate in the implementation of state policy within the region. The practice of recent years shows a negative trend in the creation of political parties, but those parties that are already registered and are actively fighting for political power at all stages of the Russian elections. Political parties participate in the regional political process to embrace the advantages of the political party space. These advantages are due to both objective factors (territorial potential, the economy of the region) and subjective reasons (personal factors associated with the rating of the leader, both the governor and the party coordinator, the nature of his acquaintance with the central financial department, and more). The study of the organization of power in the regions allows us to talk about its various modifications due to these factors. Political parties are a political institution, they represent an ideological, conceptual, personnel and electoral resource of any government. Regional branches of political parties in today’s political situation fully personify the needs of the regions and represent them at elections. They reflect regional interests, as well as the degree of democracy of the regional government


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Renan Barbosa de Morais ◽  
Mário César San Felice ◽  
Pedro Henrique Del Bianco Hokama ◽  
Gabriel Ávila Casalecchi

Proportionality in political representation is an essential theme forrepresentative democracy. In Brazil, this debate appears in the contextof non-proportionality between a federative unit’s populationsize and its number of representatives in the Chamber of Deputies.In other words, the number of deputies in a state is not proportionalto its number of inhabitants, which violates the "one man, one vote"principle.Discussions around this disproportionality have motivated scholarsto develop empirical research that aims to identify the causesand consequences of the phenomenon and to analyze the impactthat the rule introduces in the political process. This article seeksto contribute to this debate by measuring the effective power ofeach Brazilian federation’s entity and proposing alternatives ofdistribution for the Brazilian Chamber of Deputies.To this end, we use a mathematical concept from game theory,called Power Index, which allows quantifying the existing representationaldiscrepancies. After evaluating several distributions, wesolved the Inverse Power Index Problem (IPIP) to obtain a distributionof chairs that reduces such disparities. To solve the IPIP, whichis computationally hard, we use an evolutionary heuristic. As anobjective function to minimize the discrepancy, we use the linearShapley rule, in which the power index of each state is proportionalto its population.


2018 ◽  
Vol 112 (3) ◽  
pp. 678-697 ◽  
Author(s):  
SACHA KAPOOR ◽  
ARVIND MAGESAN

We estimate the causal effect of independent candidates on voter turnout and election outcomes in India. To do this, we exploit exogenous changes in the entry deposit candidates pay for their participation in the political process, changes that disproportionately excluded candidates with no affiliation to established political parties. A one standard deviation increase in the number of independent candidates increases voter turnout by more than 6 percentage points, as some voters choose to vote rather than stay home. The vote share of independent candidates increases by more than 10 percentage points, as some existing voters switch who they vote for. Thus, independents allow winning candidates to win with less vote share, decrease the probability of electing a candidate from the governing coalition by about 31 percentage points, and ultimately increase the probability of electing an ethnic-party candidate. Altogether, the results imply that the price of participation by independents is constituency representation in government.


2021 ◽  
pp. 254-268
Author(s):  
Nikolai N. Morozov

This chapter combines an analysis of the party-political system of post-communist Romania with the impressions of a direct witness to the most important historical events in the country, tracing the political evolution of Romania over the 30 years after the December revolution of 1989, which led to the overthrow of the totalitarian regime of Ceauşescu. A review of political parties and alliances is presented, which may be of practical benefit to researchers working on this period in Romanian history. On the basis of numerous sources and direct interviews with Romanian politicians, some specific characteristics of the political process in the country are identified. An attempt has been made to show the mechanisms of political power that have emerged since the collapse of the former totalitarian system.


Author(s):  
Philip Norton

This chapter discusses the political organization of the UK Parliament, at the heart of which are the political parties. It first considers the internal organization of Parliament, focusing on how political parties are structured. There are two principal parties facing one another in Parliament: the party in government and opposition parties. The opposition comprises frontbench Members (shadow ministers) and backbenchers. Smaller parties may also designate some Members as ‘frontbenchers’ (official spokespeople for the party). The frontbench of each party includes whips. The chapter provides an overview of these whips as well as parliamentary parties before considering legislative–executive relations. In particular, it examines how parties shape the relationship between Parliament and the executive, and how these have changed over time.


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