scholarly journals INTERNATIONAL SCIENTIFIC CONFERENCE "POLITICS AND CHANGE IN CENTRAL AND EASTERN EUROPE"

Author(s):  
V. Burganova ◽  
A. Nowak ◽  
M. Dulevych ◽  
O. Kahraman ◽  
A. Elkhair ◽  
...  

The scientific conference for students majoring in 291 International Relations, Public Communications and Regional Studies at the initiative of the Head of the Department of International Relations Olga Brusylovska brought together Masters of ONU and Bachelors of AMU in Poznan. The conference took place on June 1, 2021 online. Among the issues considered at the conference were: the analysis of international relations and foreign policy of the states (Elkhair A., ​​Superson I., Novatska O., Switalska N., Palyonova G., Lubinska M.), systemic transformation of post-communist countries (Burganova V., Nowak A., Dulevych M., Kahraman O., Navasardian D., Rzeczycki A., Polyakova E., Robeyko A., Shevchenko Y., Malicki T., Zazalitinova V., Domina O.).  

Author(s):  
D. Belinska ◽  
V. Burganova ◽  
S. Gordienko ◽  
А. Musienko ◽  
M. Pogrebnyak ◽  
...  

Scientific conference for young teachers and masters who study in the specialty 291 International Relations, Public Communications and Regional Studies, with the participation of the Dean of the Faculty of International Relations, Political Science and Sociology V. V. Glebov, Head of the Department of International Relations O. I. Brusylovska, lectors and guests of the University, took place on May 18, 2021 at the FIRPS ONU named after I. I. Mechnikov. Among the issues considered at the conference were: the analysis of the theory of international relations (Belinska D., Burganova V., Gordienko S., Musienko A., Pogrebnyak M., Shevchenko Y.), foreign policy of the states (Houphouet L., Navasardyan D., Novatska O., Palyonova G., Polyakova E., Zazalitinova V.), systemic transformation of post-communist and post-colonial countries (Prokhorova V., Elkhair A.).


2021 ◽  

At the beginning of the 21st century, the unity of Europe and Asia took on a new meaning, leading to an appreciation of Eurasian thinking - which has a long tradition in geopolitics -, allowing different narratives to be born in different countries. The aim of this volume is to present in detail the interconnected geopolitical narratives that are emerging in various countries. As a similar book that examines the image of Eurasia through narratives has not yet been published in the region, this publication can be seen as a ground-breaking step. This work contains studies by experts in geopolitics - both foreign and domestic specialists - that undoubtedly contribute to the development of geopolitical research in Central and Eastern Europe. With their help, the reader can get a comprehensive picture of how the great powers and smaller countries on the supercontinent (as well as in the United States) interpret Eurasia, what the main features are of each narrative, and which factors and processes are helping and hindering their implementation. The publisher of the volume, the lnstitute of lnternational, Political and Regional Studies at Corvinus University, is strongly committed to exploring current developments in geopolitics, thereby contributing to their better understanding. The latest volume in the series 'Corvinus Geographia, Geopolitica, Geooeconomia' may be of interest to a wide audience. As well as being relevant to those interested in geopolitics, it will appeal to those who seek to understand the changing landscape of international relations of the 21st century.


Author(s):  
Maryna Bessonova

Canadian support for the post-communist countries of the Central and Eastern Europe is one of the important components of the international assistance. It plays a great role for the successful transition in the region from communist to the liberal political and economical system. The region consists of the very different nations, some of them already completely incorporated to the Western economic, political, defense and security structures, and others are still on their path to democracy. In the article it is proposed a short overview of the place occupied by Central and Eastern Europe among Canadian foreign policy interests; and generalizations of the main ways of Canadian assistance to the countries of the region (such as political and economic reforms, human rights, supremacy of laws, freedom of media, etc.). Support of democratic developments in the world remains one of the main priorities for Canadian foreign policy. Despite some critiques inside the Canadian society of the issues of financial support, the assistance to the developing nations of Central and Eastern Europe completely fits universal values declared as the main pillars of current Canadian foreign policy.


2021 ◽  
Vol 72 (5) ◽  
pp. 41-52
Author(s):  
T. Cherkashyna

Using level of income inequality, the clustering of post-communist countries of the Central and Eastern Europe is carried out by the following indicators: Gini index, share in the national income of the second quintile group, share in the national income of the third quintile group, share in the national income of the fourth quintile group, share in the national income of 10% of the poorest, share in the national income of 20% of the richest.,Сluster analysis (k-means method), in the programming environment Statistica is used as analysis tool and five clusters are obtained. The first cluster includes 8 countries (Albania, Hungary, Poland, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Czech Republic, Сroatia, Russia, Slovakia) is characterized by sufficiently low level of income inequality and can be explained by flow of foreign investment and business transnationalization contributing to the increase of incomes of the main population groups of these countries. The second cluster includes 4 countries (Belarus, Slovenia, Ukraine, Moldova) and is characterized by comparatively low level of income inequality, but high level of property inequality due to heredity, аccumulated wealth та concentration of physical and financial capital by so called «oligarchic clans». The third cluster includes 5 countries (Bulgaria, Montenegro, Macedonia, Romania, Serbia) and is characterized by medium level of income inequality. The fourth and fifth clusters include so called «Baltic tigers» (Latvia, Lihuania, Estonia) and is characterized by high level of income inequality as the result of the occurrence of «excess profits» of financial assets owners. In order to decrease the income inequality in the investigated countries, the following measures are proposed: for the countries of the first cluster to accelerate deconcentration of capital ownership by «spaying» (redemption) of privatized enterprises shares by all categories on preferential terms (so called «ESOP programs»); for the countries of the second cluster to implement progressive tax scale where the tax rate for different groups of population vary depending on the income received and citizens with the lowest incomes (at the level of subsistence minimum or minimum wage) do not pay individual taxes at all; for the countries of the third cluster to cope with «shadow» economy and informal unemployment; for the counties of the fourth and fifth clusters to decrease tax burden on private entrepreneurs and thus stimulate self-employment.


Politeja ◽  
2015 ◽  
Vol 12 (7 (34/2)) ◽  
pp. 181-194
Author(s):  
Igor Grieckij

Central and Eastern Europe countries and NATO enlargement in foreign policy of Russian Federation in 1992‑1992 The beginning of the 1990s is one of the most interesting and controversial periods in the history of Russian foreign policy. At that time, extensive reforms were introduced in Russia in the framework of transition to market economy and institutions of civil society. Russia’s foreign policy has undergone great changes, as well, many of its fundamental provisions were subject to significant adjustment. In particular, the new leadership of Russia is no longer considered NATO as an enemy, and even let in a possibility of Russia’s prospects for NATO membership in future. However, by 1994, the Kremlin’s position on that issue has changed dramatically. This article examines the nature of these changes in Russia’s foreign policy, as well as the reasons why the Russian government perceived negatively the CEE countries’ aspirations to join NATO, and considered it as a threat to its national interests.


2020 ◽  
Vol 43 (338) ◽  
pp. 61-66
Author(s):  
Sandris Ancans

AbstractThe economy of Latvia lags behind economically developed nations approximately fourfold in terms of labour productivity in the tradable sector, which is the key constituent of a modern economy, thereby affecting future sustainable development in the entire country, including the rural areas. The economic backwardness is characteristic of the entire Central and Eastern Europe. This is the heritage of a communist regime that lasted for about half a century and the economic system termed a (centrally) planned economy or a command economy. However, such a term for the communist-period economy is not correct, as it does not represent the purpose it was created for. Accordingly, the paper aims to assess the effect of the communism period on the economic backwardness of the Central and Eastern European region of the EU. A planned economy that existed in all communist countries, with the exception of Yugoslavia, was not introduced to contribute to prosperity. It was intended for confrontation or even warfare by the communist countries under the guidance of the USSR against other countries where no communism regime existed, mostly Western world nations with their market economies. For this reason, it is not correct to term it a (centrally) planned economy or a command economy; the right term is a mobilised (war) economy. An extrapolation of a geometric progression for GDP revealed that during the half a century, Latvia as part of the USSR was forced to spend on confrontation with the West not less than EUR 17 bln. (2011 prices) or approximately one gross domestic product of 2011. The research aim of the paper is to assess the effect of the communism period on the economic backwardness of the Central and Eastern European region of the EU.


Author(s):  
James L. Newell

Political scientists have conventionally distinguished between advanced liberal democracies; communist and post-communist states, and so-called third-world countries. Though used less frequently than was once the case, the groups or ones like them are distinguished because drawing general conclusions about the nature of political life requires being able to categorise in order to compare countries; and because, broadly speaking, the groups mark broad distinctions tending to correlate with a range of variables including political corruption. Placing, then, the liberal democracies of Western Europe in one category and the former communist countries of Europe, plus Russia, in another reveals that corruption is a larger problem in the latter part of the world than it is in the former. Against this background, the chapter looks at the historical context of corruption during the communist era. It then provides an overview of the extent of corruption in the post-communist era and of the variations in its extent between the states concerned –before explaining the distinctive reasons for the development of these levels of corruption, assessing their impact and looking at what is being done and needs to be done to reduce levels of corruption.


2018 ◽  
Vol 32 (4) ◽  
pp. 924-935
Author(s):  
Małgorzata Głowacka-Grajper

This article is part of the special cluster titled Social practices of remembering and forgetting of the communist past in Central and Eastern Europe, guest edited by Malgorzata Glowacka-Grajper Controversies over social memory form an important aspect of reality in the post-communist countries of Eastern Europe. On the one hand, there are debates about coming to terms with the communist past and the Second World War that preceded it (because important parts of the memory of the war were “frozen” during the communist era), and, on the other hand, and intimately connected to that, are discussions about the constant influence of communism on the current situation. This article presents some of the main trends in research on collective memory in the post-communist countries of Eastern Europe and reveals similarities and differences in the process of memorialization of communism in the countries of the region. Although there are works devoted to a comparative analysis of memory usage and its various interpretations in the political sphere in the countries of Eastern Europe, there are still many issues concerning daily practices (economic, religious, and cultural) associated with varying interpretations of the war and the communist past which needs further elaboration and analysis.


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