The Vaccination Paradox

Author(s):  
Linda C. Fentiman

This chapter addresses risk construction in the context of mandatory vaccination laws. Vaccines prevent contagious disease outbreaks by achieving vaccination levels that protect the public through “herd immunity.” Yet vaccines have become a victim of their own success. Today, childhood immunization rates are falling nationwide, increasing the likelihood of disease outbreaks in communities where vaccination “exemptors” cluster. Vaccination is the one area of children’s health in which mothers who choose not to provide medical care to their children are neither condemned nor prosecuted. The construction of risk in the vaccine context shows how important racial and class stereotypes are in affecting our view of risk.

2021 ◽  
Vol 70 (3) ◽  
pp. 291-302
Author(s):  
Diego Menniti

Lately, the public discussion around mandatory vaccination has been an intensely enliven one. On the one hand, there are those who argue for the effectiveness of vaccination and demand that all procure it in order that all be immunize and that the threat of COVID-19 be minimize. On the other hand, there are those who are troubled about getting the vaccine and claim that mandatory vaccination is an infringement on their individual Autonomy. Furthermore, there are those who refuse vaccination for faith-based reasons and thus invoke religious exemption. The paper offers a moral analysis about the conflict between Mandatory Vaccination, supposed to be for the good of the community, and individual Autonomy. It clarifies why there are no moral basis for mandatory vaccination nor for religious exemption.


2019 ◽  
Vol 29 (Supplement_4) ◽  
Author(s):  
A Pearce ◽  
P Henery ◽  
C Cameron ◽  
R Dundas ◽  
V Katikireddi ◽  
...  

Abstract In Scotland, like many other European countries, childhood immunization coverage is generally high, often exceeding levels typically required to achieve herd immunity (95%): uptake of the primary vaccines (excluding rotavirus) is ∼96% (at 12month(m)), with the 1st dose of measles, mumps and rubella (MMR) at 97% (by 5 years). However, the recommended age to receive these vaccines is 2-4m and 12-13m respectively. Delays beyond these ages may indicate vaccine hesitancy or barriers to access and can increase the likelihood of disease outbreaks, especially if clustered among certain geographical or social groups. We used quantile regression to examine the age by which 95% coverage was met in different groups. We analyzed data from the Scottish Immunisation and Recall System, for all children born in Scotland 2010-12 (n∼200,000), estimating proportions immunized ‘on time’ with the primary (by age 5m) and MMR (by 14m) vaccines. Next we used quantile regression (with 95% cut-points) to calculate the age by which 95% coverage was reached among this cohort of children, overall and according to neighbourhood deprivation (Scottish Index of Multiple Deprivation[SIMD] deciles). As in national reports, uptake of the primaries (at 12m) and MMR (at 5y) was >95%, with 91% and 89% immunized ‘on time’ (as defined above). Nationally, primary vaccines uptake reached 95% by age 7m. This varied by SIMD, from 6m in the least disadvantaged decile, to 9m in the most disadvantaged decile (difference 3m, CI: 2.7-3.3). Uptake of MMR reached 95% a year later than recommended (26m), with no discernible pattern by SIMD. In Scotland, the age by which immunization levels meet those typically required to achieve herd immunity may be suboptimal, particularly for MMR and (for primary vaccines) disadvantaged neighborhoods. This same approach might be used in other nations with high coverage to identify population groups that may be experiencing barriers to access and inform local intervention content


2019 ◽  
Vol 12 (3) ◽  
pp. 213-224 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jessica Nihlén Fahlquist

Abstract In contrast to medical care, which is focused on the individual patient, public health is focused on collective health. This article argues that, in order to better protect the individual, discussions of public health would benefit from incorporating the insights of virtue ethics. There are three reasons to for this. First, the collective focus may cause neglect of the effects of public health policy on the interests and rights of individuals and minorities. Second, whereas the one-on-one encounters in medical care facilitate a compassionate and caring attitude, public health involves a distance between professionals and the public. Therefore, public health professionals must use imagination and care to evaluate the effects of policies on individuals. Third, the relationship between public health professionals and the people who are affected by the policies they design is characterized by power asymmetry, demanding a high level of responsibility from those who wield them. Against this background, it is argued that public health professionals should develop the virtues of responsibility, compassion and humility. The examples provided, i.e. breastfeeding information and vaccination policy, illustrate the importance of these virtues, which needed for normative as well as instrumental reasons, i.e. as a way to restore trust.


2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (12) ◽  
pp. 2540
Author(s):  
Michela Sabbatucci ◽  
Anna Odone ◽  
Carlo Signorelli ◽  
Andrea Siddu ◽  
Francesco Maraglino ◽  
...  

Maintaining high vaccine coverage (VC) for pediatric vaccinations is crucial to ensure herd immunity, reducing the risk of vaccine-preventable diseases (VPD). The Italian vaccination Law (n. 119/2017) reinforced mandates for polio, diphtheria, tetanus, and hepatitis B, extending the mandate to pertussis, Haemophilus influenzae type b, chickenpox, measles, mumps, and rubella, for children up to 16 years of age. We analyzed the national temporal trends of childhood immunization rates from 2014 to 2019 to evaluate the impact of the mandatory reinforcement law set in 2017 as a sustainable public health strategy in Italy. In a 3-year period, 9 of the 10 compulsory vaccinations reached the threshold of 95% and VC for chicken pox increased up to 90.5%, significantly. During the same period, the recommended vaccinations (against meningococcus B and C, pneumococcus, and rotavirus) also recorded a significant increase in VC trends. In conclusion, although the reinforcement of compulsory vaccination generated a wide public debate that was amplified by traditional and social media, the 3-year evaluation highlights positive results.


2018 ◽  
Vol 45 (1) ◽  
pp. 71-74
Author(s):  
Charlie T Blunden

In his paper ‘A libertarian case for mandatory vaccination’, Jason Brennan argues that even libertarians, who are very averse to coercive measures, should support mandatory vaccination to combat the harmful disease outbreaks that can be caused by non-vaccination. He argues that libertarians should accept the clean hands principle, which would justify mandatory vaccination. The principle states that there is a (sometimes enforceable) moral obligation not to participate in collectively harmful activities. Once libertarians accept the principle, they will be compelled to support mandatory vaccination. In my paper, I argue that the cases Brennan uses to justify this principle are disanalogous to the case of non-vaccination and that they are not compelling to libertarians. The cases Brennan offers can be explained by a libertarian using the individual sufficiency principle: which states that if an individual’s action is sufficient to cause harm, then there is a (sometimes enforceable) moral obligation not to carry out that action. I argue that this principle is more appropriate to Brennan’s examples, and more appealing to the libertarian, than the clean hands principle. In order to get libertarians to accept the clean hands principle, I present a modified version of one of Brennan’s cases that is analogous to the case of non-vaccination. Using this case, I argue that whether the clean hands principle will justify mandatory vaccination is dependent on whether the herd immunity rate in a given population is approaching a threshold after which a collective risk of harm will be imposed onto others.


2019 ◽  
Vol 21 (1) ◽  
pp. 21-28
Author(s):  
Christy Powell ◽  
Cliff Nunery ◽  
Stacia Hays ◽  
Kim Curry

County health departments typically bear responsibility for implementing immunization programs. In 2011, the Florida state legislature made significant reductions in state health department funding, and responsibility for routine childhood immunizations in some counties was shifted to local federally qualified health centers. This study was conducted to assess the impact of these administrative changes on childhood immunization rates in one county. A secondary analysis of data in the state immunization registry was conducted to assess changes and patterns in childhood immunization rates within the local health department, federally qualified health centers, and private pediatric practices. These changes were compared in the 3-year period before, during, and after the change. Results revealed that there was no net negative change in the vaccination rates of 0- to 7-year-old children in the county. There was a shift in the proportion of vaccinations administered by each health care delivery setting. The majority of immunizations were administered in private pediatric practices. When state funding for the local public health department ceased, other delivery settings covered the immunizations previously provided in the public health sector.


2019 ◽  
Vol 25242644 ◽  
pp. 63-68
Author(s):  
Alina Lisnevska

The myth-making processes in the communicative space are the «cornerstone» of ideology at all times of mankind’s existence. One of the tools of the effective impact of propaganda is trust in information. Today this come round due to the dissemination of information on personalized video content in social networks, including through converged media. New myths and social settings are creating, fate of the countries is being solved, public opinion is being formed. It became possible to create artificially a model of social installation using the myths (the smallest indivisible element of the myth) based on real facts, but with the addition of «necessary» information. In the 20–30 years of the XX century cinematograph became the most powerful screen media. The article deals with the main ideological messages of the Ukrainian Soviet film «Koliivshchyna» (1933). In the period of mass cinematography spread in the Soviet Ukraine, the tape was aimed at a grand mission – creation of a new mythology through the interpretation of the true events and a con on the public, propaganda of the Soviet ideology. This happened in the tragic period of Ukrainian history (1933, the Holodomor) through the extrapolation of historical truth and its embodiment in the most formative form at that time – the form of the screen performance. The Soviet authorities used the powerful influence of the screen image to propagate dreams, illusions, images, stereotypes that had lost any reference to reality. I. Kavaleridze’s film «Koliivshchyna» demonstrates the interpretation of historical events and national ideas, the interpretation of a relatively remote past through the ideology of the «Soviet-era». The movie is created as a part of the political conjuncture of the early 1930s: the struggle against Ukrainian «bourgeois nationalism» and against the «Union of Liberation Ukraine», the repressive policies against the peasants, the close-out of the «back to the roots» policy. The movie, on the one hand, definitely addresses to the Ukrainian ideas, on the other hand it was made at the period of the repressions against the Ukrainian peasantry. In the movie «Koliivshchyna», despite the censorship, I. Kavaleridze manages to create a national inclusive narrative that depicts Ukrainian space as multi-ethnic and diverse, but at the same time nationally colorful.


APRIA Journal ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 11-16
Author(s):  
José Teunissen

In the last few years, it has often been said that the current fashion system is outdated, still operating by a twentieth-century model that celebrates the individualism of the 'star designer'. In I- D, Sarah Mower recently stated that for the last twenty years, fashion has been at a cocktail party and has completely lost any connection with the public and daily life. On the one hand, designers and big brands experience the enormous pressure to produce new collections at an ever higher pace, leaving less room for reflection, contemplation, and innovation. On the other hand, there is the continuous race to produce at even lower costs and implement more rapid life cycles, resulting in disastrous consequences for society and the environment.


2019 ◽  
Vol 65 (1) ◽  
pp. 77-82
Author(s):  
Maksim Rykov ◽  
Ivan Turabov ◽  
Yuriy Punanov ◽  
Svetlana Safonova

Background: St. Petersburg is a city of federal importance with a large number of primary patients, identified annually. Objective: analysis of the main indicators characterizing medical care for children with cancer in St. Petersburg and the Leningrad region. Methods: The operative reports for 2013-2017 of the Health Committee of the Government of St. Petersburg and the Health Committee of the Leningrad Region were analyzed. Results. In 2013-2017 in the Russian Federation, 18 090 primary patients were identified, 927 (5.1%) of them in the analyzed subjects: in St. Petersburg - 697 (75,2%), in the Leningrad Region - 230 (24,8%). For 5 years, the number of primary patients increased in St. Petersburg - by 36%, in the Leningrad Region - by 2,5%. The incidence increased in St. Petersburg by 18,1% (from 14,9 in 2013 to 17,6 in 2017 per 100 000 of children aged 0-17). The incidence in the Leningrad Region fell by 4.9% (from 14.4 in 2013 to 13.7 in 2017). Mortality in 2016-2017 in St. Petersburg increased by 50% (from 2 to 3), in the Leningrad Region - by 12,5% (from 2,4 to 2,7). The one-year mortality rate in St. Petersburg increased by 3,9% (from 2,5 to 6,4%). In the Leningrad Region, the one-year mortality rate decreased from 6,5% in 2016 to 0 in 2017. The number of pediatric oncological beds did not change in St. Petersburg (0,9 per 10,000 children aged 0-17 years) and the Leningrad Region (0). In St. Petersburg patients were not identified actively in 2016-2017; in the Leningrad Region their percentage decreased from 8,7 to 0. The number of oncologists increased in St. Petersburg from 0,09 to 0.12 (+33,3%), in the Leningrad Region - from 0 to 0,03. Conclusion: Morbidity in St. Petersburg and the Leningrad region is significantly different, which indicates obvious defects in statistical data. Patients were not identified during routine preventive examinations which indicate a low oncologic alertness of district pediatric physicians. Delivery of medical care for children with cancer and the statistical data accumulation procedures should be improved.


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