scholarly journals Effects of the „Polish Deal” Programme on Local Government Units

2021 ◽  
Vol 4 (32) ◽  
pp. 167-187
Author(s):  
Dagmara Hajdys

The aim of this paper is to present the „Polish Deal” program in the context of its influence on budget management of local government units. The paper puts forward a thesis that changes in the tax system, as specified in the „Polish Deal” programme, will have a negative impact on the finances of local government units. The study was based on selected literature, documents on the financial perspective for 2021–2027, the „Polish Deal” programme, financial information on the state of finances of local government units in 2018–2020 and opinions of the Union of Polish Metropolises and the Association of Polish Cities to the draft Polish Deal programme. The period of the SARS-CoV-2 pandemic coincided with the beginning of the next financial perspective in the European Union for the years 2021–2027. EU institutions have prepared a number of instruments relevant to the post-pandemic era, including the Next Generation EU. At the same time, they imposed on Member States the obligation to prepare their own post-pandemic plans. Poland prepared the National Recovery Plan. This was followed by the government’s presentation of the „Polish Deal” program, which is a promise of socio-economic reforms. The projects included in the „Polish Deal”, in many areas will require the activity and involvement of local authorities. The effects of these activities will be not only financial but also organizational, which will translate into increased spending. Changes in the tax system, especially in the personal income tax, will considerably affect revenues from PIT shares, which will disturb the stability of territorial self-government units’ financial system. Therefore, it is necessary that the government and self-government representatives jointly work out solutions, which will guarantee the compensation of losses for the self-governments in a long-term, and a stable way to restore the principle of adequacy.

2020 ◽  
pp. 97-105
Author(s):  
Aleksandra Kusztykiewicz-Fedurek

Political security is very often considered through the prism of individual states. In the scholar literature in-depth analyses of this kind of security are rarely encountered in the context of international entities that these countries integrate. The purpose of this article is to draw attention to key aspects of political security in the European Union (EU) Member States. The EU as a supranational organisation, gathering Member States first, ensures the stability of the EU as a whole, and secondly, it ensures that Member States respect common values and principles. Additionally, the EU institutions focus on ensuring the proper functioning of the Eurozone (also called officially “euro area” in EU regulations). Actions that may have a negative impact on the level of the EU’s political security include the boycott of establishing new institutions conducive to the peaceful coexistence and development of states. These threats seem to have a significant impact on the situation in the EU in the face of the proposed (and not accepted by Member States not belonging to the Eurogroup) Eurozone reforms concerning, inter alia, appointment of the Minister of Economy and Finance and the creation of a new institution - the European Monetary Fund.


Modern Italy ◽  
2008 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 135-153 ◽  
Author(s):  
Raffaella A. Del Sarto ◽  
Nathalie Tocci

Focusing on Italy's Middle East policies under the second Berlusconi (2001–2006) and the second Prodi (2006–2008) governments, this article assesses the manner and extent to which the observed foreign policy shifts between the two governments can be explained in terms of the rebalancing between a ‘Europeanist’ and a transatlantic orientation. Arguing that Rome's policy towards the Middle East hinges less on Italy's specific interests and objectives in the region and more on whether the preference of the government in power is to foster closer ties to the United States or concentrate on the European Union, the analysis highlights how these swings of the pendulum along the EU–US axis are inextricably linked to a number of underlying structural weaknesses of Rome's foreign policy. In particular, the oscillations can be explained by the prevalence of short-term political (and domestic) considerations and the absence of long-term, substantive political strategies, or, in short, by the phenomenon of ‘politics without policy’ that often characterises Italy's foreign policy.


Author(s):  
Dmitrii О. Mikhalev ◽  
◽  
Egor’ A. Sergeev ◽  

The article presents a retrospective analysis of relations between the government of Italy and the European Union institutions in the context of supranational fiscal regulation in 2002–2019. The authors analyze the influence of external and internal factors on the state of public finance in Italy, note the reasons that made it difficult to meet the requirements of the Stability and Growth Pact, study the main issues on the agenda in the EU-Italy relations and their evolution. The authors also come to conclusion that unlike the earlier discussions about correcting budget deficit in Italy, current focus of supranational fiscal governance is shifted to preventing it, what challenges the economic sovereignty of Italy and country’s opportunities to conduct a discretionary fiscal policy.


2020 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Dicky Dwi Wibowo ◽  
Agus Tinus

Abstract: The regional government is at the forefront of sustainable development. Through policies issued by local governments can help improve the quality of education at the Madrasah level. The study aims to describe 1) a comparison of education policies by the Nganjuk Regional Government. 2) The authority of education policy providers by the Nganjuk regional government. 3) positive and negative impacts of the comparison of government policies on the implementation of Madrasah education. This research uses qualitative research with a descriptive-analytic approach. Data collection techniques are done using observation, interviews, and documents. Data analysis of the results of the study was carried out by data reduction, data presentation, and concluding (data verification). The results of the study show that (1) Problems and comparisons of educational policies namely regarding the qualifications of the establishment of schools and madrasas, and differences in the admission schedule for new students that are still not aligned between the Education Office and the Nganjuk Ministry of Religion Office due to the centralization and decentralization of the government system. (2) The authority exercised by the Education Office and the Regional People's Representative Assembly Commission 4 does not affect Madrasas (3) The positive impact is that madrasas can choose students who are superior and can meet the ceiling set by the government. The negative impact is that madrasas are said to be a factor in merging schools and the lack of local government attention to madrasas.Keywords: School, Madrasa, Educational Policy, Local Government Abstrak: Pemerintah daerah menjadi ujung tombak dalam pembangunan yang berkelanjutan. Melalui kebijakan yang dikeluarkan pemerintah daerah dapat membantu peningkatkan mutu penyelenggaraan pendidikan di tingkat Madrasah. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mendeskripsikan tentang1) perbandingan kebijakan pendidikan oleh Pemerintah Daerah NganjukDalam Penyelenggaraan Pendidikan Madrasah. 2) Kewenangan penyelenggara kebijakan pendidikanMadrasah oleh pemerintah daerah Nganjuk.3) dampak positif dan negatif dari perbandingan kebijakan pemerintah terhadap penyelenggaraan pendidikan Madrasah. Penelitian ini menggunakan jenis penelitian kualitatif dengan pendekatan deskriptif-analitik. Teknik pengumpulan data dilakukan dengan menggunakan observasi, wawancara serta dokumen. Analisis data hasil penelitian dilakukan dengan reduksi data, penyajian data, dan penarikan kesimpulan (verifikasi data). Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa (1) Permasalahan dan perbandingan kebijakan pendidikan yaitu mengenai kualifikasi jarak pendirian sekolah dan madrasah, dan perbedaan jadwal penerimaan siswa baru yang masih belum selaras antara Dinas Pendidikan dan Kantor Kementerian Agama Nganjuk dikarenakan sentralisasi dan desentralisasi sistem pemerintahan. (2) Kewenagan yang dilakukan Dinas Pendidikan dan DPRD Komisi 4 tdak berpengaruh kepada Madrasah (3) Dampak positif yaitu madrasah mampu memilih siswa yang unggul dan bisa memenuhi pagu yang telah ditentukan oleh pemerintah. Dampak negatinya adalah madrasah dikatakan sebagai faktor penggabungan sekolah dan masih kurangnya perhatian pemerintah daerah terhadap madrasah.Kata kunci: Sekolah, Madrasah, Kebijakan Pendidikan, Pemerintah Daerah


2021 ◽  
Vol ahead-of-print (ahead-of-print) ◽  
Author(s):  
Asier Minondo

Purpose This paper aims to analyze the impact of COVID-19 on the trade of goods and services in Spain. Design/methodology/approach This paper uses monthly trade data at the product, region and firm level. Findings The COVID-19 crisis has led to the sharpest collapse in the Spanish trade of goods and services in recent decades. The containment measures adopted to arrest the spread of the virus have caused an especially intense fall of trade in services. The large share of transport equipment, capital goods, products that are consumed outdoors (i.e., outdoor goods) and tourism in Spanish exports has made the COVID-19 trade crisis more intense in Spain than in the rest of the European Union. Practical implications The nature of the collapse suggests that trade in goods can recover swiftly when the health crisis ends. However, COVID-19 may have a long-term negative impact on the trade of services that rely on the movement of people. Originality/value It contributes to understand how COVID-19 has affected the trade in goods and services in Spain.


Yurispruden ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 208
Author(s):  
Fahrul Abrori

 ABSTRAKPandemi Covid-19 yang terjadi di Indonesia membuat pemerintah membuat kebijakan-kebijakan sebagai stimulus untuk menjaga kestabilan masyarakat dan perekonomian. Pemerintah pusat memberikan kewenangan kepada pemerintah daerah untuk mengelola keuangan daerah untuk menangani covid-19 di daerah masing-masing. Hal ini disebabkan karena pemerintah daerah lebih memahami kebutuhan daerahnya. Permasalahan yang diangkat Pertama, bagaimana hubungan Pemerintah Pusat dan Pemerintah Daerah dalam pengelolaan keuangan untuk penanganan pandemi Covid-19? Kedua, Apa peran Pemerintah Daerah dalam pengelolaan keuangan daerah untuk penanganan pandemi Covid-19? Menggunakan metode penelitian yuridis normatif dengan pendekatan perundang-undangan dan pendekatan konsep. Hubungan Pemerintah Pusat dan Pemerintah Daerah dalam Pengelolaan Keuangan untuk Penanganan Pandemi Covid-19 yaitu desentralisasi fiskal yang mana. Peran Pemerintah Daerah dalam Pengelolaan Keuangan Daerah untuk Penanganan Pandemi Covid-19 yaitu dengan melakukan refocusing kegiatan, realokasi anggaran, dan Penggunaan Anggaran Pendapatan dan Belanja Daerah.Kata kunci: Pemerintah Daerah, Pengelolaan Keuangan Daerah, Pandemi Covid-19 ABSTRACTThe Covid-19 pandemic in Indonesia led the government to make policies as a stimulus to maintain the stability of society and the economy. The central government authorizes local governments to manage local finances to deal with covid-19 in their respective regions. This is because the local government better understands the needs of the region. The issue raised first, how is the relationship between the Central Government and Local Government in financial management for the handling of the Covid-19 pandemic? Second, What is the role of local governments in regional financial management for the handling of the Covid-19 pandemic? Using normative juridical research methods with statutory approaches and concept approaches. The relationship between the Central Government and Local Government in Financial Management for the Handling of the Covid-19 Pandemic is fiscal decentralization. The role of local governments in regional financial management for the handling of the Covid-19 pandemic is by refocusing activities, reallocating budgets, and using regional budgets.Keywords: Local Government, Regional Financial Management, Covid-19 Pandemic


2020 ◽  
pp. 333-341
Author(s):  
Tamás Zoltán Wágner

Nowadays, many multinationals use tax avoidance strategies in order to minimise their tax liability. They often cooperate with governments providing them preferential treatment. These low-tax jurisdictions called tax havens pose a threat for world economy because they result in huge budgetary loss for countries. Even the European Union has its own tax havens which contribute to the loss of 250 billion euros annually. It is more than 2% of the Union’s GNP. Despite the apparent negative evidences, several member states’ tax system still contains favourable provisions for multinationals. Although, almost everybody would mention the Benelux states first, but many multinationals utilize the loopholes of the Irish tax system. In this regard, it is enough to refer to the Apple case where the European Commission ordered the recuperation of 13 billion euros from the company due to illegal state aid. Hence, we conducted a research based on academic literature and case-law. After a short introduction and dealing with the European Commission’s response to tax avoidance, we analyse the Irish tax system. The main goal was to demonstrate that Ireland – despite the denial of the respective authorities – was a tax haven. Our study proves that multinationals could use almost freely several tax optimisation strategies (e.g. Double Irish and Dutch Sandwich) up to now. Due to strong criticism and scandals the government had to amend the former tax regime, but it does not mean that preferential treatment is abolished. Ireland still should be considered a tax haven.


2020 ◽  
Vol 126 (1) ◽  
pp. 117-141
Author(s):  
Tomás Caraballo ◽  
Alex Pereira da Silva

This paper is devoted to analysis of the stability of the economy according to an extended version of Kaldor's economic growth model. We consider the role of the government and its simultaneous monetary and fiscal policies and we study whether or not a time delay between the recognition and the implementation of its fiscal policy can affect the economic stability. Numerical simulations provide further conclusions about the long-term behavior of the four variables modeled—namely, national income, capacity of production, bonds value and money supply.


2021 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 231-248
Author(s):  
L. Ya. Prokopenko

The article analyzes the transformation of the political image of Frederick Chiluba, President of the Republic of Zambia in 1991-2001. As a representative of a new formation of African leaders in the era of the continent’s transition from authoritarianism to political pluralism, he was an ambiguous figure. His role in the return of the multi-party system in the country and in the liberalization of the national economy is discussed. It is stressed that within the framework of the existing political culture this politician was not immune to inevitable mistakes. However, the style and methods of Chilubas leadership (persecution of his predecessor, manipulation using the ethnic factor in order to retain power, ignoring criticism of the opposition and allies) periodically led to tension in the internal situation in the country and negatively affected his political image and the image of the government in general.In 1990-2000s the negative impact of tensions between Zambian politicians who held the presidency at different times on the stability of the country was clearly manifested. The persecution of ex-President Chiluba charged with corruption demonstrated the authorities’ policy to combat this social evil, but it was ambiguously perceived and interpreted by the society and by analysts. It is noted that for all the mistakes and shortcomings of Chilubas ten-year rule, it is necessary to recognize his merits in creating the economic base of Zambia and in proclaiming it a Christian country, which was practically forgotten after his death.The article shows the gradual rehabilitation of Chilubas memory, in which all living ex-presidents and the current Head of State take part. The experience of Zambia shows that under African realities, former presidents enjoy honors and certain privileges, provided they do not participate actively in politics and do not enter into open conflicts with their successors.


2019 ◽  
Vol 19 (298) ◽  
Author(s):  
Chuling Chen ◽  
Era Dabla-Norris ◽  
Jay Rappaport ◽  
Aleksandra Zdzienicka

This paper studies the impact of tax-based consolidations on reelection outcomes. Using a granular database of tax-based consolidations for a panel of 10 OECD countries over the last 40 years, we find that tax reforms are politically costly but some reforms are costlier than others. Measures aimed primarily at reducing existing deficits and debt are costlier than tax consolidation policies for improving long-term growth prospects. Electoral costs are particularly high for broad-based indirect tax and corporate tax reforms. Voters tend to penalize governments less if tax consolidations are announced early in the government’s term or if the government has a strong political mandate. Favorable economic conditions increase public support for tax-based consolidations. Personal income tax reforms are electorally salient if the reforms are frontloaded, announced during recessions, and in less progressive tax systems.


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