scholarly journals Marginalized Minority Groups In Europe In The Context Of The Clash Of Civilisations: The Case Of Muslims

2016 ◽  
Vol 12 (11) ◽  
pp. 265 ◽  
Author(s):  
Muserref Yardim ◽  
Erhan Tecim

One of the most important issues faced by the European civilization is immigrants. These immigrants are not considered to be European, can be marginalized due to national-ethnic-religious reasons, and defined in the invisible European 'other'. This attitude is not rational at all for the European civilization and it is on the agenda of many European countries on the verge of the 21st Century. With political decisions taken and practices put into effect, the existing distinction is being clarified and efforts are exerted to make the increasing contrast extant. It has become quite a common situation for many European countries that individuals, especially politicians, coming to the agenda with clearly Eurocentric rhetorics, increase their popularity and serve to exclusionary rhetorics along with such popularity. The social category which is the basic object of such an action again becomes the emigrating citizens of Muslim countries which were included in the colonization movements a few centuries before as well as the people of Muslim countries who were invited to European countries by the latter due to the labour needs. In addition to passing of at least 70 years since they were recruited as labour force, the third and fourth generation Muslims have preferred to remain as citizens in several European countries. It should be emphasized that social and political issues started at this point. It is a pleasing and rational development for harmony and coexistence that those people who were once regarded as religious minorities or Muslim minorities are beginning to have a voice. Yet, it needs emphasizing that this situation is unacceptable in most cases, national policies complicate harmonization rather than facilitating, and a considerable part of the European countries subject them to otherisation due to their different ethnic and religious identity, and most importantly they are not accepted in European countries.

Histories ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 69-84
Author(s):  
Tiasa Basu Roy

It was from the middle of the eighteenth century that discussions regarding the strategies taken up by the Protestant missionaries to propagate the Gospel generated the issue of healthcare and medical facilities among people in India. Medical mission, which hitherto was not considered, started to gain importance and reaped positive results in terms of curing individuals and its trustworthiness among tribes residing in the frontier regions. However, this developed a separatist religious identity among the population, which apparently did not appear lethal, but later culminated in the fragmentation and impeachment of solidarity among the adivais (tribal) and vengeance from the Hindu population. This article will show how the Canadian Baptist Mission, with its primary aim of spreading the Kingdom of God among the tribal Savaras in the Ganjam district of Orissa, undertook measures for serving health issues and provided medical facilities to both the caste Oriyas and the tribal Savaras. Although medical activities oriented towards philanthropy and physical well-being, medical mission was not limited to healing illness and caring for all, but also extended to spreading the word of God and influencing the people to embrace Christianity as well, which invited political troubles into the region.


Author(s):  
Sergio Martini ◽  
Mattia Guidi ◽  
Francesco Olmastroni ◽  
Linda Basile ◽  
Rossella Borri ◽  
...  

Abstract Innumeracy, that is, the inability to deal with numbers and provide correct estimates about political issues, is reported to be widespread among the public. Yet, despite the recognition that a conspiracy mindset is an increasingly common phenomenon in Western democracies, this has not been considered as a potential correlate of innumeracy. Using data from an online sample of respondents across 10 European countries, we show that those with a higher propensity to hold a conspiracy worldview tend to overestimate the actual share of the immigrant population living in their own country. This association holds true when accounting for country heterogeneity and other cognitive, affective and socio-demographic factors. Employing a comparative design and refined measurements, the article contributes to our understanding of how a conspiracy mentality may influence perceptions of relevant political facts, questioning basic processes of democratic accountability.


Author(s):  
Iwona Chrzanowska

In the text, an attempt was made to analyse selected issues related to gerontology in the relationship to people with disabilities. The context of analyses is the tendency of social ageing tendencies, observed in Poland and in the world, especially in European countries. Selected areas of reflection are combined with the conviction that there is a need for research which would fill in the gap in the field of research carried out so far, focused on the issue of the broadly defined life situation of the people with disabilities in the senior years, which is in the scientific merit of Polish special needs education (pedagogics). There is a justified fear that these individuals are more likely to experience marginalisation and exclusion in many areas of life than people of similar age in the general population.


MELINTAS ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 35 (1) ◽  
pp. 22-39
Author(s):  
Staniselaus Eko Riyadi

Violence is a crime condemned by religions, but religions in the world are apparently involved in some kind of violence. It has been considered problematic that some scriptural texts are showing violent acts that seem to be ‘authorised’ by God, even ‘allowed’ by God, or celebrated by the people. How should we understand such problematic texts? Is there any violence authorised by God? Christianity has been dealing with the interpretation of violent acts in biblical texts from the Old Testament as well as from the New Testament. This article suggests that violence in the biblical texts must be understood within the context of defining religious identity of Israel among the other nations that have their own gods. Scriptures do not promote violence, but has recorded the historical experiences of Israel in their confrontation with other nations. Therefore, violence in the biblical texts cannot be referred to as a sort of justification for any violent acts by religions in our multireligious and multiethnic society.


Author(s):  
Prasun Chakraborty* ◽  
◽  
Anirban Chowdhury ◽  

Indian society changed after digitalization and economical reformation. Currently, the Facebook is the most popular social media in India. The political cartoonist took that platform as an opportunity to share their thoughts and raise socio-political issues through their cartoons. The aim of the paper is to study responses (likingness and affective) to political cartoons in respect to responsiveness towards cartoons, gender, and socio-economic status. The study was conducted among 875 Indians from different parts of India including males and females with various socio-economic backgrounds. The data captured in the form of sentiments (love, sadness, angry and happiness emotions) for each cartoon shared in the Facebook timeline. Then, relevant descriptive statistics were computed using IBM SPSS 20.0 software. Results showed that maximum Facebook users expressed their thoughts about political cartoons through emoticons in terms of like, sad, angry, and happiness. It is found that male user are more likely to be expressive to political cartoons than female user. Mostly user from low and middle socio-economic backgrounds relate themselves with the cartoon scenarios and shown interest than users from higher class of the society. Hence, political socio-political scenarios can be communicated effectively using political cartoons in Facebook as the people of India are relating themselves with various cartoons.


AMBIO ◽  
2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sabaheta Ramcilovic-Suominen ◽  
Sophia Carodenuto ◽  
Constance McDermott ◽  
Juha Hiedanpää

AbstractBalancing agendas for climate mitigation and environmental justice continues to be one of the key challenges in climate change governance mechanisms, such as Reducing Emissions from Deforestation and Degradation (REDD+). In this paper we apply the three-dimensional environmental justice framework as a lens to examine the REDD+ process in the Lao People’s Democratic Republic (Laos) and the REDD+ social safeguards. We focus particularly on challenges to justice faced by marginalized communities living in forest frontier areas under an authoritarian regime. Drawing on policy analysis and open-ended interviews across different policy levels, we explore procedural, distributional, and recognitional justice across the REDD+ policy levels in Laos. We find that REDD+ social safeguards have been applied by both donors and state actors in ways that facilitate external control. We underscore how authoritarian regime control over civil society and ethnic minority groups thwarts justice. We also highlight how this political culture and lack of inclusiveness are used by donors and project managers to implement their projects with little political debate. Further obstacles to justice relate to limitations inherent in the REDD+ instrument, including tight schedules for dealing with highly sensitive socio-political issues under social safeguards. These findings echo other research but go further in questioning the adequacy of safeguards to promote justice under a nationally driven REDD+. We highlight the importance of recognition and political context, including aspects such as power relations, self-determination and self-governance of traditional or customary structures, in shaping justice outcomes.


2014 ◽  
Vol 44 (6) ◽  
pp. 578-589 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hanna Zagefka ◽  
Jens Binder ◽  
Rupert Brown ◽  
Thomas Kessler ◽  
Amélie Mummendey ◽  
...  

2007 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 115-128
Author(s):  
Ana Ispas

Tourism is generally and globally acknowledged as one of the few economic sectors that has more than significant growth prospects and is characterized as a catalyst for peace and prosperity. At the same time, this sector is known for its high turnover of staff, persistent lack of qualified personnel and rapidly changing skill needs. If Romania wants to be a competitive tourist destination, we must assure a high quality of the tourism services and the people who deliver them. The most important labour shortage in Romania’s tourism is at the management level (top and middle management) and entrepreneurs. There are several reasons for this. For a long time, Romania’s tourist industry was dominated by large public enterprises. Most often, top and middle management were not appointed and promoted according to their education and capabilities, but according to other non-professional criteria. Education at all levels, especially higher education, has not been producing a competent labour force. Management education has been especially weak, with no specialized education for management in tourism. Some available programmes were of too general and with little practical training. Although there are several institutions of higher education which provide education for tourism, all of them need to modernize their programmes with a greater emphasis on management, foreign languages, ICT, and practical training. Today, Romania started to reform education. This is a significant challenge for the entire education system, including higher education in tourism. This year a consultation process was started to identify the most important competences that should be formed or developed in a degree programme. The outcome of this consultation process will be reflected in the set of reference points – generic and subject specific competences – identified by 10 subject areas, including tourism.


Author(s):  
Adam Seth Levine

This chapter examines patterns of political participation more broadly across time and space. It directly compares people's likelihood of becoming active based on which political issues they consider most important. The data for this analysis are drawn from the American National Election Study data from the past three decades. The chapter asks: If we look back over the past thirty years, have the people who consider insecurity issues to be most important also been less likely to spend resources on politics than those who consider other issues to be most important? Have they been less likely to donate money to political organizations? And, if they are in the labor force, have they been less likely to volunteer as well? Moreover, do these differences remain even after we take into account other differences between the types of people who prioritize economic insecurity issues versus those who consider other issues to be most important?


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