scholarly journals Theory and Practice in China’s Approaches to Multilateralism and Critical Reflections on the Western ‘Rules-Based International Order’

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anthony Carty ◽  
Jing Gu

China is the subject of Western criticism for its supposed disregard of the rules-based international order. Such a charge implies that China is unilateralist. The aim in this study is to explain how China does in fact have a multilateral approach to international relations. China’s core idea of a community of shared future of humanity shows that it is aware of the need for a universal foundation for world order. The Research Report focuses on explaining the Chinese approach to multilateralism from its own internal perspective, with Chinese philosophy and history shaping its view of the nature of rules, rights, law, and of institutions which should shape relationships. A number of case studies show how the Chinese perspectives are implemented, such as with regards to development finance, infrastructure projects (especially the Belt and Road Initiative), shaping new international organisations (such as the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank), climate change, cyber-regulation and Chinese participation in the United Nations in the field of human rights and peacekeeping. Looking at critical Western opinion of this activity, we find speculation around Chinese motives. This is why a major emphasis is placed on a hermeneutic approach to China which explains how it sees its intentions. The heart of the Research Report is an exploration of the underlying Chinese philosophy of rulemaking, undertaken in a comparative perspective to show how far it resembles or differs from the Western philosophy of rulemaking.

2021 ◽  
Vol 18 (1) ◽  
pp. 40-71
Author(s):  
A. Fenenko

Thus, the present article aims at answering the question whether there exists an anti-soft power, both as ideology and practice, which could be efficient enough for the state to protect itself from the impact of external informational and cultural influence. The theory of soft power is based on the idea that its object accepts normative subordination. Consequently, such object should not pursue major political ambitions, should be ready to collaborate within the established world order and, above all, agree with superiority of the world leaders and the rules they impose. Anti-soft power is different. The core idea is that its holder is not willing to comply with the opponent’s superiority as well as its rules of the game. The subject of anti-soft power is politically ambitious and never recognizes its dependence or inferiority. Regardless of being strong or weak, it will not admit its junior or secondary position in a community. We saw a few such subjects during the era of globalization. However, the globalization crisis may change the situation and thus give rise to a new political trend, that is the resurgence of anti-soft power. The article states that anti-soft power has repeatedly blocked the attempts of one country to influence another country. In the course of history, we can single out three main types of policy: 1) the policy based on supremacism, or chauvinism; 2) the policy based on ideological alternatives; 3) the policy based on segment restrictions of the oppo nent’s soft power. Each of these, though, can bring its subjects both political benefits and unwanted costs.


Author(s):  
Zhongying Pang

This chapter discusses China’s changing attitude, doctrine, and policy actions towards international order and offers some tentative findings on the complexity of China’s role in the struggle over the future of international order. This complexity results from China’s efforts simultaneously to consolidate its presence in the existing international order but also to reform existing global governance institutions. The ambition to seek an alternative international order makes it, at least to some extent, a revisionist state. While pursuing an agenda to reform the existing international order from within, China additionally has begun to sponsor an unprecedented number of new international institutions and initiatives of its own, such as the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB) and the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). How this will play out will depend above all on the interaction of China with a USA still wedded to its hegemonic role in world politics.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Thomas Whyte

<p>First announced in 2013, the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) has become a central component of Chinese foreign policy under the presidency of Xi Jinping. Given the scope and vision of the BRI, several fundamental questions have been raised by the policy. Is the BRI threatening? Will it strengthen the system? Will it supplement it? In order to explore this puzzle, the thesis undertakes empirical analyses of the BRI and the accompanying Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB). These analyses will be placed within a container of the Liberal International Order (LIO). This framework, derived from the writings of G. John Ikenberry, is based around four elements: Open Multilateral Trade, International Institutions, Liberal Democracy and Neoliberal World Economy. The findings show that the BRI and AIIB have combined to create a disorientating picture in which elements of the LIO are both strengthened and undermined. This allows China to sit benignly within the order while constructing the infrastructure needed to break from the system - if and when required.</p>


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Thomas Whyte

<p>First announced in 2013, the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) has become a central component of Chinese foreign policy under the presidency of Xi Jinping. Given the scope and vision of the BRI, several fundamental questions have been raised by the policy. Is the BRI threatening? Will it strengthen the system? Will it supplement it? In order to explore this puzzle, the thesis undertakes empirical analyses of the BRI and the accompanying Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB). These analyses will be placed within a container of the Liberal International Order (LIO). This framework, derived from the writings of G. John Ikenberry, is based around four elements: Open Multilateral Trade, International Institutions, Liberal Democracy and Neoliberal World Economy. The findings show that the BRI and AIIB have combined to create a disorientating picture in which elements of the LIO are both strengthened and undermined. This allows China to sit benignly within the order while constructing the infrastructure needed to break from the system - if and when required.</p>


2019 ◽  
Vol IV (II) ◽  
pp. 182-189
Author(s):  
Hafiz Muhammad Shahzad Qasim ◽  
Noor Fatima ◽  
Musharaf Iqbal

Economic recession of 2009 marked the end of the US dominance in the world. The subsequent period brought transition in the global order. China stepped forward by taking “Belt and Road Initiative (BRI)”, establishing Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB) and creating alternative forums to engage various regions by assuming a global role. Chinese World Order here is not aimed at referring to the world dominated by China but Chinese sphere of influence with its greater role. Pakistan’s profile has improved with success against terrorism, Chinese investment and interest by other countries to invest under China Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC). CPEC is a flagship project of BRI which enables Pakistan’s growth and extend it economic integration with China. Pakistan’s close partnership with China enables it to play a greater political role in South Asia, Central Asia, Middle East, the Islamic world and the world at large.


2015 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 93
Author(s):  
Juniar Siregar

This study presents a research report on improving students’ Learning results on IPA through Video. The objective was to find out whether students’ learning result improved when they are taught by using Video. It was conducted using classroom action research method. The subject of the study was the Grade IV students of SDN 187/IV Kota Jambi which is located on Jln. Adi Sucipto RT 05 Kecamatan Jambi Selatan, and the number of the students were 21 persons. The instruments used were test. In analyzing the data, the mean of the students’ score for the on fisrt sycle was 65,4 (42,85%) and the mean on cycle two was 68,5 (37,15%) and the mean of the third cycle was 81,4 (100%). Then it can be concluded that the use of video on learning IPA can improve the students’ learning result. It is suggested that teachers should use video as one of the media to improve students’ learning result on IPA.Keywords : IPA, students’ learning result, video


2020 ◽  
Vol 13 (4) ◽  
pp. 52-79
Author(s):  
V. T. Yungblud

The Yalta-Potsdam system of international relations, established by culmination of World War II, was created to maintain the security and cooperation of states in the post-war world. Leaders of the Big Three, who ensured the Victory over the fascist-militarist bloc in 1945, made decisive contribution to its creation. This system cemented the world order during the Cold War years until the collapse of the USSR in 1991 and the destruction of the bipolar structure of the organization of international relations. Post-Cold War changes stimulated the search for new structures of the international order. Article purpose is to characterize circumstances of foundations formation of postwar world and to show how the historical decisions made by the leaders of the anti-Hitler coalition powers in 1945 are projected onto modern political processes. Study focuses on interrelated questions: what was the post-war world order and how integral it was? How did the political decisions of 1945 affect the origins of the Cold War? Does the American-centrist international order, that prevailed at the end of the 20th century, genetically linked to the Atlantic Charter and the goals of the anti- Hitler coalition in the war, have a future?Many elements of the Yalta-Potsdam system of international relations in the 1990s survived and proved their viability. The end of the Cold War and globalization created conditions for widespread democracy in the world. The liberal system of international relations, which expanded in the late XX - early XXI century, is currently experiencing a crisis. It will be necessary to strengthen existing international institutions that ensure stability and security, primarily to create barriers to the spread of national egoism, radicalism and international terrorism, for have a chance to continue the liberal principles based world order (not necessarily within a unipolar system). Prerequisite for promoting idea of a liberal system of international relations is the adjustment of liberalism as such, refusal to unilaterally impose its principles on peoples with a different set of values. This will also require that all main participants in modern in-ternational life be able to develop a unilateral agenda for common problems and interstate relations, interact in a dialogue mode, delving into the arguments of opponents and taking into account their vital interests.


2019 ◽  
Vol 3 (11) ◽  
pp. 179
Author(s):  
Nazhan Hammoud Nassif Al Obeidi ◽  
Abdul Wahab Abdul Aziz Abu Khamra

The Gulf crisis 1990-1991 is one of the important historical events of the 1990s, which gave rise to the new world order by the sovereignty of the United States of America on this system. The Gulf crisis was an embodiment to clarify the features of this system. .     The crisis in the Gulf was an opportunity for the Moroccans to manage this complex event and to use it for the benefit of the Moroccan situation. Therefore, the bilateral position of the crisis came out as a rejection, a contradiction and a supporter of political and economic dimensions at the external and internal levels. On the Moroccan situation, and from these points came the choice of the subject of the study (the dimensions of the Moroccan position from the Gulf crisis 1990-1991), which shows the ingenuity of Moroccans in managing an external crisis and benefiting from it internally.


2020 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 68
Author(s):  
А. Н. Сухов

This given article reveals the topicality not only of destructive, but also of constructive, as well as hybrid conflicts. Practically it has been done for the first time. It also describes the history of the formation of both foreign and domestic social conflictology. At the same time, the chronology of the development of the latter is restored and presented objectively, in full, taking into account the contribution of those researchers who actually stood at its origins. The article deals with the essence of the socio-psychological approach to understanding conflicts. The subject of social conflictology includes the regularities of their occurrence and manifestation at various levels, spheres and conditions, including normal, complicated and extreme ones. Social conflictology includes the theory and practice of diagnosing, resolving, and resolving social conflicts. It analyzes the difficulties that occur in defining the concept, structure, dynamics, and classification of social conflicts. Therefore, it is no accident that the most important task is to create a full-fledged theory of social conflicts. Without this, it is impossible to talk about effective settlement and resolution of social conflicts. Social conflictology is an integral part of conflictology. There is still a lot of work to be done, both in theory and in application, for its complete design. At present, there is an urgent need to develop conflict-related competence not only of professionals, but also for various groups of the population.


Author(s):  
Pyotr Ivanov

In this article, based on the study and analysis of operational-search legislation, scientific publications, law enforcement practice and the criminal situation in the field of legalization, the operationalsearch counteraction to the legalization of income received from the Commission of tax crimes is considered. The paper focuses on the stages (stages) of laundering, the existing points of view on this account, as well as on the methods of illegal withdrawal of funds abroad. The author of the article aimed to develop scientifically based proposals and recommendations for improving the effectiveness of this type of activity by the territorial bodies of internal Affairs and their divisions of economic security and anti-corruption. It is proposed to put forward and work out operational search versions within the subject of study, as well as to develop, taking into account the methods (schemes) used by criminals to launder criminal proceeds and illegally withdraw funds abroad for the purpose of their subsequent legalization, operational search measures to document their criminal actions. In addition, the author recommends constant monitoring of money laundering methods based on operational and investigative practices. The results and key conclusions formulated in this article can be used in the theory and practice of operational investigative activities of internal Affairs bodies to counteract the legalization of income received from tax crimes.


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