scholarly journals Ukraine in international relations 2014–2019

Author(s):  
B. Shevchenko

The article examines the international relations of Ukraine during 2014–2019, as one of the important processes and stages of development of countries in the XXI century, where against the background of globalization the level of international cooperation deserves special attention. In the context of the evolution of international relations, the influence on the formation of Ukraine's foreign policy in 2014–2019 is considered and its behavior in the international arena is analyzed. The influence of hybrid wars on the development of international processes and on the current political course of Ukraine, which identified the main trends in international relations in the XXI century, is analyzed. The modern foreign policy course of Ukraine and its choice of corresponding values and tendencies concerning the decision of own, European and global problems are described. The results of Ukraine's foreign policy for the period 2014–2019 were evaluated and it was established that the key guidelines of Ukraine in modern international relations are the implementation of an open and consistent foreign policy course. The positive consequences of the implementation of the Ukraine-EU Association Agreement have been studied. It is established that the progress of the implementation of the Association Agreement in 2020 is 54%. It is determined that the greatest progress during the entire period of implementation of the Association Agreement has been achieved in such areas as: political dialogue, national security and defense; justice, freedom, security and human rights, etc.

2021 ◽  
Vol 6 (9) ◽  
pp. 73-79
Author(s):  
Zakhro Jurayeva ◽  

The article is devoted to the review and analysis of the initiatives of Uzbekistan, voiced at the 76th session of the UN General Assembly. The author notes that these initiatives will contribute to further strengthening the image of Uzbekistan in the world arena, as well as solving global problems. Initiatives put forward by Uzbekistan at the 76th session of the UN General Assembly are aimed at creating new platforms for discussing global problems, as well as opening new areas of cooperation in the region of Central and South Asia.Keywords:UN, international initiatives, international cooperation, environmental problems, World Environmental Charter, Convention on Biological Diversity, human rights education


2020 ◽  
pp. 097359842094343
Author(s):  
Anupama Ghosal ◽  
Sreeja Pal

The issue of Human Rights features as a prominent agenda of the United Nations and its related international organizations. However, when it comes to precise formulation of a country’s foreign policy in bilateral or multilateral forums, the issues of trade and national security find priority over pressing human rights violations occurring within the countries engaged in the diplomatic dialogue. An often-employed reason behind such an approach is the need to respect sovereignty and non-interference of a country in diplomacy. This article aims at analysing the potential which diplomacy holds to pressurize recalcitrant regimes to respect human rights. In doing so, the article tries to explore the ambit of Human Rights Diplomacy and the relationship between agenda of politics and human rights.


Author(s):  
E. V. Shturba

The article considers the new approach of the Russian government in the sphere of foreign integration and cooperation with international organizations in the second half of the 1990s. Based on the analysis of factual and documentary proved data the reasons for the transfer of the country’s foreign policy into multi-vector direction and its diversification have been explained. The author’s evaluation of the attempts of Russia to integrate into multipolar world and the role of international cooperation in this process has been given.


Politeja ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 18 (2(71)) ◽  
pp. 149-170
Author(s):  
Katarzyna Gruszko

Human rights in international relations are defined by the boundaries between individual states and regions, as well as the most important theories of international relations. The assumption of their universal character often finds no reflection in the foreign policy of states, especially the strongest ones. The most important players and theories do not question the existence of human rights as such, however, their role and place in international relations are interpreted differently. Human rights in Hong Kong, the meeting place of the West and Confucianism in the context of globalization, may become the litmus test of the intentions of the world powers and their vision of a World Order in regard to human rights.


2021 ◽  
Vol 24 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Filip Viskupic

How does status affect foreign policy outcomes? Scholars have long argued that status is a salient foreign policy driver and that states even fight for status, but there is no consensus on how to think about this relationship. I propose that unpacking the link between status and role in international relations can help scholars analyze how status shapes national security outcomes. I illustrate the usefulness of this framework on the processes leading to Australia’s intervention in the Solomon Islands. An analysis of speeches by Australia’s leaders reveals that concern for maintaining Australia’s status as the leader of the Pacific and the role of maintainer of regional order and security affected the decision to dispatch an intervention.


2000 ◽  
Vol 30 (118) ◽  
pp. 123-150 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dirk Messner

Globalization processes are emphatically changing the coordinate system of politics. The „epoch of the nation state“ is drawing to its end. Dirk Messner discusses four core elements involved in the change of the architecture of politics in the „era of globalism“: (1) the rapidly growing differentiation of the foreign relations of nation states as an indicator of the erosion of the classical bounds of domestic and foreign policy; (2) the trend toward the formation of a world society; (3) the growing density of transboundary networks and global problems that lead not only to an increase of international relations based on interdependency (a phenomenon long familiar to us) but to an erosion of the „internal sovereignty“ of nation states, which is turning the rules of international and global politics upside down; (4) the change of the form of political power under the conditions of globalization.


Author(s):  
Valeriy Zhabskiy ◽  
Aleksander Shuvalov

In the early 1990 s, the foreign policy concept in Russia was based on the policy of «Euro-Atlanticism», which presumed orientation towards the Western model of development, integration with the Western countries and a conflict-free vision of international relations. But unlike the era of «Cold War» with the USSR, the Western countries did not consider the Russian Federation to be equal in status and did not hasten the process of establishing strategic partnership. Russia has never managed to establish an alliance with the Western countries and become «part of the Western world», «Euro-Atlanticism» has not proved itself. In the late 1990s, a shift began to a course of «multi-vector» foreign policy, implying a multipolar system of international relations. Moreover, at the end of the twentieth century, the Russian Federation faced growing threats from the United States and the countries that make up the military-political bloc of NATO, which necessitated a rethinking of priorities and possibilities for ensuring the protection of Russia’s national interests and security, and the development and adoption of new doctrines and concepts on the subject. This article thus deals with the process of establishing State priorities on the basis of the principle of protecting the national interests and safeguarding the national security of the Russian Federation during the period 1999-2007.


2021 ◽  
Vol 17 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Paul C Avey

Abstract This research note reports views on nuclear deterrence, coercion, and non-use norms from surveys of 320 current and former US national security officials and 1,303 US-based international relations scholars. It finds that both groups hold relatively optimistic views on these key issues. Majorities express confidence that nuclear weapons are useful for deterrence, but are skeptical that a nuclear arsenal can translate into coercive foreign policy success. Respondents are also confident that the nuclear taboo constrains countries from using nuclear weapons in a first strike, but the intensity varies by the country in question. Although limited, the results demonstrate overlap between academics and policymakers on key nuclear concepts. To the extent that experts hold these topline nuclear views that can influence their decision-making, teaching, and research. The results also point to a common tension in thinking about deterrence against conventional attack and norms constraining nuclear first use.


2019 ◽  
Vol 01 (02) ◽  
pp. 1950006
Author(s):  
Ralph Pettman

International relations, as currently construed, are multi-dimensional. They are also Euro-American, which means modern-day China had no hand in making them. It was obliged to adapt to the state-centered, marketeering, nationalistic realities with which it was confronted when it became independent. And adapt it did. It also, however, revised these realities by adopting its own approach. Its leaders first repudiated China’s traditional experiences, while reworking its world ones to promote their own ends. Later, however, they began to express admiration for the values and vision of their own culture and civilization. They began to articulate policies, like the Belt and Road Initiative, that were not only representative of Euro-American principles, such as international cooperation and free trade, but also representative of non-Euro-American principles, such as the so-called “tribute system”. The latter characterized China’s foreign policy approach for millennia. It still arguably demonstrates China’s willingness not only to accept — while reforming — those Euro-American practices imposed upon it, but also to repudiate — by revolutionizing — those very same practices.


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