scholarly journals Nigeria’s Image, Democracy and Foreign Policy, 1999-2007

2017 ◽  
Vol 2 (4) ◽  
pp. 110
Author(s):  
Anthony Egobueze
Keyword(s):  
Political Economy ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Content Analysis ◽  
Democratic Governance ◽  
The State ◽  
Democratic Institutions ◽  
Military Rule ◽  
Long Period

Nigeria’s image was negative prior the return of democracy in 1999. The major cause of this was the long period of military rule which not only dismantled democratic institutions, but made Nigeria a pariah State as a result of corruption and draconian policies. The protracted military rule led to plethora of sanctions which led to hardship on the populace. The return to democratic governance reinvented the State and ushered in diplomatic shuffles which culminated to the eliminating of the sanctions which eventually readmitted the country into global reckoning. This study reviews Nigeria’s image, democracy and foreign policy, 1999–2007, adopting content analysis in the scrutiny of our data and political economy perspectives as a paradigm for our analysis. It recommends effective Executive – Legislative Collaboration as a panacea for achieving effective and stable foreign policy.

scholarly journals Narrativas de la legalidad en el hiperpresidencialismo constitucionalizado ecuatoriano = Narratives of legality in the Ecuadorian constitutionalized hyper-presidentialism

2018 ◽  
pp. 175
Author(s):  
Efrén Ernesto Guerrero Salgado
Keyword(s):  
Social Control ◽  
Democratic Governance ◽  
The State ◽  
Democratic Institutions ◽  
Public Activity ◽  
Constituent Assembly ◽  
Magna Carta ◽  
The Government ◽  
Electoral Power ◽  
Present Text

Resumen: La llegada al poder de Rafael Correa en el 2007 supuso diversos cambios en Ecuador, no sólo ideológicos sino también políticos, canalizados a través de una Asamblea Constituyente con el fin de ajustarse a los preceptos de la llamada “Revolución Ciudadana”. La nueva Carta Magna estableció un mayor número de controles sobre el Ejecutivo y creó nuevas funciones, como el Poder Electoral y de Transparencia y Control Social, que también girarían en torno a las decisiones del presidente de turno. Esto, combinado con la personalidad de Correa, generó un escenario de hiperpresidencialismo, amparado por elecciones populares que legitiman los cambios realizados por el Gobierno. En el caso ecuatoriano, lo que sucedió fue una disolución de la legalidad mediante la acción mediática, en el que la palabra del presidente no sólo fue regla de conducta, sino también una percepción de que la actividad pública no puede ser discutida, rebasando sus competencias constitucionalmente establecidas. El presente texto, busca explorar los mecanismos de existencia de un discurso decisionista en el periodo de gobierno 2013-2017 y sus consecuencias en la gobernabilidad democrática, para demostrar que la existencia de una autoridad que escape del poder del Estado sólo puede ser contenida por la norma y la fortaleza de las instituciones democráticas, capaces de mejorar la intensidad de la ciudadanía.Palabras clave: Hiperpresidencialismo, Rafael Correa, Ecuador, legalidad.Abstract: The arrival to power of Rafael Correa in 2007 involved various changes not only ideological but also political, channeled through a Constituent Assembly to conform to the precepts of the so-called "Citizen Revolution". The new Magna Carta established a greater number of executive controls and created new functions, such as the Electoral Power and Transparency and Social Control, which would also revolve around the decisions of the incumbent president. This, combined with the personality of Correa, generated a scenario of hyper-presidentialism, supported by popular elections that legitimize the changes made by the government. In the Ecuadorian case, what happened was a dissolution of legality through media action, in which the president's word was not only a rule of conduct, but also a perception that public activity cannot be discussed, exceeding its Constitutionally established competences. The present text, seeks to explore the mechanisms of existence of a decisionist discourse in the period of government 2013-2017 and its consequences in democratic governance, to demonstrate that the existence of an authority that escapes the power of the State can only be contained by the norm and the strength of democratic institutions, capable of improving the intensity of citizenship.Keywords: Hyperpresidencialism, Rafael Correa, Ecuador, Constitution, legality. 

Anti-Indian factions in Bangladeshi Politics (1971 – 2014): A Brief Survey

Ensemble ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 117-122
Author(s):  
Soham DasGupta ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Active Role ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Military Rule ◽  
Coup D'etat ◽  
Water Sharing ◽  
Popular Support ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Military

India played an active role in the liberation war of Bangladesh in 1971. The relation between the two countries remained cordial in the initial years but it soon soured with the coup d’etat of 1975. This also marked the rise of the anti-Indian elements in the Bangladeshi politics. This article makes a brief survey of anti- Indian elements that has remained a part and parcel of the political fabric of Bangladesh since 1971. It also looks into the ways in which the anti-India stance has been instrumental in garnering popular support to hold on to political power. The article begins with the background of the creation of Bangladesh and India’s active role in it which was followed by the friendship treaty signed between the two countries. Then it moves to the changing scenario following the coup d’état of 1975 which marked the visible changes within the polity of Bangladesh. The nature of nationalism underwent change moving from secularism to a religious character which found expression in the policies of the state. The military rule most often found it convenient to use the anti-Indian stance in order to please the fundamentalist elements of the country in its bid to garner popular support. The issues of water sharing, refugees and issues of fomenting possible insurgency with active support of India were highlighted. Even after the restoration of democracy, the anti-Indian factions remained active in opposing the government of Sheikh Hasina’s foreign policy with regard to India. Radical religious factions, who had throughout opposed the liberation war, still play a major role in fanning the anti-Indian sentiments in Bangladeshi politics.

scholarly journals Why Do States Develop Multi-tier Emigrant Policies? Evidence from Egypt

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gerasimos Tsourapas
Keyword(s):  
Political Economy ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
International Migration ◽  
The State ◽  
Perceived Utility ◽  
Two Factors ◽  
Policy Objectives ◽  
Field Of Inquiry

Why do states vary their policies towards their citizens abroad, and why are some emigrant groups treated preferentially to others? The literature on the politics of international migration has yet to explore this as a separate field of inquiry, assuming that states adopt a single policy that encourages, sustains or prevents emigration abroad. Yet, in the case of Egypt, the state developed a multi-tiered policy that distinctly favoured specific communities abroad over others. I hypothesise that policy differentiation is based upon the perceived utility of the emigrant group remaining abroad versus the utility of its return. This utility is determined by two factors: the sending state’s domestic political economy priorities and its foreign policy objectives.

scholarly journals China’s images in the State of the Union Address, 1973-2020

2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (3) ◽  
pp. 585-603
Author(s):  
Mateus de Paula Rocha ◽  
Andrea Maria Narciso Rocha De Paula
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Content Analysis ◽  
Us Foreign Policy ◽  
The State ◽  
Sufficient Condition ◽  
External Shocks ◽  
White House ◽  
State Of The Union ◽  
Important Impact ◽  
Qualitative Changes

This paper discusses how China was represented in the State of The Union Address between 1973 and 2020. The hypothesis is that China’s image has undergone qualitative changes and that shifting the party in the White House is not a sufficient condition to transform this representation. It is employed the content analysis to map the frequency of the word ‘China’ and to analyze the discursive context of its apparition. The mentions are evaluated according to three variables: axiology (positive, negative, or mixed), discursive focus (direct or indirect), and frequency of mentions. Four discursive paradigms, or periods in which the image was qualitatively stable, are identified and discussed. The analysis showed that external shocks have an important impact on changing China’s image and that these representations usually signalize actual priorities of US foreign policy.

scholarly journals EKONOMI POLITIK INSTITUSI ZAKAT: SATU PENELITIAN TERHADAP INSTITUSI ZAKAT DI PULAU PINANG

2017 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 330
Author(s):  
Mohammad Najwa
Keyword(s):  
Political Economy ◽  
Content Analysis ◽  
State Government ◽  
Positive Impact ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Kuala Lumpur ◽  
Government Administration ◽  
Interview Method ◽  
Governance Institutions

Institutional charity is a charity trustee body appointed by the Islamic government for a state or country aimed at governing the collection and distribution of zakat and all related recipients. In Malaysia, zakat management is under the responsibility of His Royal Highness (HRH) Sultan or King. However, for those states that do not have the monarch as Melaka, Sabah, Sarawak and Penang, zakat management is under the responsibility of His Majesty the Yang Di-Pertuan Agong (SPBA). In most states, the management and administration of charity performed by the State Islamic Religious Council (MAIN) and the state government as a representative of each of the sultan or king. Even so, the state of Malacca, Kuala Lumpur, Pahang, Negeri Sembilan, Selangor and Penang, management and administration is carried out by the institution's corporate charity. Out of the total of the country, the management and administration of the zakat institution in Penang is unique because the Penang State Government administration headed by a non-Muslim. The question is, how is the political economy of charity institutions in Penang under the administration of the state government led by the non-Muslim? Are the Penang state government plays a role in determining the direction of zakat institutions governance in Penang? Based on these issues, the study was conducted to identify and analyze the political economy of charity institutions in Penang. This study was performed using two methods of data collection, namely the first, methods study the document; and second, the interview method. The data collected is then analyzed using content analysis. The results of the analysis, it can be concluded three things. First, the establishment of Zakat Pulau Pinang (ZPP) is a strategy Majlis Agama Islam Negeri Pulau Pinang (MAINPP) to strengthen the political economy of charity institutions in Penang. Second, the economy and politics mutually need each other in charity governance institutions in Penang. Third, the political economy of charity institutions in Penang has made zakat governance in Penang more systematic and professional and have a positive impact on the improvement of collection and distribution of zakat in Penang.Keywords: Political Economy, Political Economy Institutions Zakat, Zakat Institution in Penang

Capitalising upon Globalisation

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
David M. Webber
Keyword(s):  
Political Economy ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
International Development ◽  
Macroeconomic Policy ◽  
Domestic Policy ◽  
Policy Decisions ◽  
Gordon Brown ◽  
Development Policies ◽  
At Home

Having mapped out in the previous chapter, New Labour’s often contradictory and even ‘politically-convenient’ understanding of globalisation, chapter 3 offers analysis of three key areas of domestic policy that Gordon Brown would later transpose to the realm of international development: (i) macroeconomic policy, (ii) business, and (iii) welfare. Since, according to Brown at least, globalisation had resulted in a blurring of the previously distinct spheres of domestic and foreign policy, it made sense for those strategies and policy decisions designed for consumption at home to be transposed abroad. The focus of this chapter is the design of these three areas of domestic policy; the unmistakeable imprint of Brown in these areas and their place in building of New Labour’s political economy. Strikingly, Brown’s hand in these policies and the themes that underpinned them would again reappear in the international development policies explored in much greater detail later in the book.

A Foreign Policy for the State of Palestine

1989 ◽  
Vol 18 (2) ◽  
pp. 16-28
Author(s):  
Jerome M. Segal
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
The State

Humanising the Dehumanised: Emotion and Being in the Violence of the Islamic State (IS): An Alternative Perspective

2019 ◽  
Vol 35 ◽  
Author(s):  
Quraysha Bibi Ismail Sooliman
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Human Agency ◽  
The State ◽  
Religious Violence ◽  
The Political ◽  
Islamic State ◽  
Religious Ideology ◽  
Alternative Perspective ◽  
Western Civilisation ◽  
Ongoing Project

This paper considers the effect of violence on the emotions of IS fighters and the resultant consequences of those emotions as a factor in their choice to use violence. By interrogating the human aspect of the fighters, I am focusing not on religion but on human agency as a factor in the violence. In this regard, this paper is about reorienting the question about the violence of IS not as “religious” violence but as a response to how these fighters perceive what is happening to them and their homeland. It is about politicising the political, about the violence of the state and its coalition of killing as opposed to a consistent effort to frame the violence into an explanation of “extremist religious ideology.” This shift in analysis is significant because of the increasing harm that is caused by the rise in Islamophobia where all Muslims are considered “radical” and are dehumanised. This is by no means a new project; rather it reflects the ongoing project of distortion of and animosity toward Islam, the suspension of ethics and the naturalisation of war. It is about an advocacy for war by hegemonic powers and (puppet regimes) states against racialised groups in the name of defending liberal values. Furthermore, the myth of religious violence has served to advance the goals of power which have been used in domestic and foreign policy to marginalise and dehumanise Muslims and to portray the violence of the secular state as a justified intervention in order to protect Western civilisation and the secular subject.

TANTANGAN DAN PENGUATAN IDEOLOGI PANCASILA DALAM MENGHADAPI ERA REVOLUSI INDUSTRI 4.0

2019 ◽  
Vol 2 (02) ◽  
pp. 66-78
Author(s):  
Nurul Fadilah
Keyword(s):  
Content Analysis ◽  
National Identity ◽  
Data Analysis ◽  
Data Collection ◽  
Human Resources ◽  
Research Method ◽  
Industrial Revolution ◽  
Qualitative Approach ◽  
The State ◽  
Way Of Life

The ideology of Pancasila as a way of life, the basis of the state, and national identity has a various challenge from time to time so that the existence of Pancasila as an Ideology must be maintained, especially in industrial revolution 4.0. The research method used is a qualitative approach by doing study of literature. In data collection the writer used documentation while in techniques data analysis used content analysis, inductive and descriptive. Results of the research about challenges and strengthening of the Pancasila Ideology in facing the era of the industrial revolution 4.0 are: (1)  grounding Pancasila, (2) increasing professional human resources based on Pancasila’s values, (3) maintaining the existence of Pancasila as the State Ideology.

The Political Economy of Rural-Urban Conflict

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Topher L. McDougal
Keyword(s):  
Political Economy ◽  
Urban Areas ◽  
The State ◽  
Hierarchical Networks ◽  
Capital Cities ◽  
Trade Networks ◽  
Rural And Urban Areas ◽  
Rural And Urban ◽  
Economic Relationship ◽  
Relationship Of

In some cases of insurgency, the combat frontier is contested and erratic, as rebels target cities as their economic prey. In other cases, it is tidy and stable, seemingly representing an equilibrium in which cities are effectively protected from violent non-state actors. What factors account for these differences in the interface urban-based states and rural-based challengers? To explore this question, this book examines two regions representing two dramatically different outcomes. In West Africa (Liberia and Sierra Leone), capital cities became economic targets for rebels, who posed dire threats to the survival of the state. In Maoist India, despite an insurgent ideology aiming to overthrow the state via a strategy of progressive city capture, the combat frontier effectively firewalls cities from Maoist violence. This book argues that trade networks underpinning the economic relationship between rural and urban areas—termed “interstitial economies”—may differ dramatically in their impact on (and response to) the combat frontier. It explains rebel predatory tendencies toward cities as a function of transport networks allowing monopoly profits to be made by urban-based traders. It explains combat frontier delineation as a function of the social structure of the trade networks: hierarchical networks permit elite–elite bargains that cohere the frontier. These factors represent what might be termed respectively the “hardware” and “software” of the rural–urban economic relationship. Of interest to any student of political economy and violence, this book presents new arguments and insights about the relationships between violence and the economy, predation and production, core and periphery.

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