scholarly journals HITOS CONFLICTUANTES Y TENSIONES DE SENTIDO: Una propuesta de abordaje comunicacional para el problema del orden social

2016 ◽  
Vol 2 (4) ◽  
pp. 85
Author(s):  
Claudia Kenbel

RESUMENEste trabajo presenta parte de la perspectiva teórico metodológica empleada en una experiencia de investigación en comunicación. La misma se desarrolló en Río Cuarto, una ciudad argentina de 180.000 habitantes durante el período 2007-2013. Nos preguntamos de qué modo circulan, se instalan y extienden ciertas concepciones asociadas al orden social, condicionando prácticas, argumentando tomas de decisiones sobre asuntos públicos y configurando parte del sentido extendido. A través de una estrategia centrada en el establecimiento de hitos (concretamente identificados a través de políticas públicas) pudimos comprender el modo en que se tensionan sentidos respecto al tipo de sociedad que se argumenta y sostiene (idea de orden). Es objetivo de esta presentación compartir algunas de las decisiones teóricas y metodológicas de la experiencia realizada y abrir una serie de posibilidades para alentar futuras investigaciones en el cruce entre la comunicación y las políticas públicas para el abordaje de distintas conflictividades sociales. PALABRAS CLAVES: hitos conflictuantes; memorias sociales; orden social.  ABSTRACTThis paper presents a part of the theoretical-methodological perspective used in a communication research. This experience took part in Rio Cuarto, argentinian city of 180,000 habitants during the period 2007-2013. This paper presents a part of the theoretical-methodological perspective used in a research experience in communication. This experience took place in an intermediate city in Argentina during the period 2007-2013. We asked ourselves how circulate, how are installed and how are spread certain conceptions associated to the social order, also conditioning certain practices. We argue that all these factors influence on the decision-making on public affairs but also they configured part of the widespread social sense. Focused on a strategy based on the most important milestones (identify by public policies), we could comprehend the manner in which senses are tensioned regarding the type of society that argue them (idea of order). The objective of this presentation is to share some of the theoretical and methodological decisions of the experience that took place with the purpose to open a series of possibilities to encourage new investigations about communication and public policies, in order to approach the diversity of the social conflicts. KEYWORDS: Controversial milestone; memories; social order.  RESUMOEste artigo apresenta parte da perspectiva teórica metodológica utilizada em uma experiência de pesquisa em comunicação. Ela foi desenvolvida em Rio Quarto, cidade Argentina de 180.000 habitantes durante o período de 2007-2013. A pesquisa objetivou saber como circulam, estão instaladas e se alargam determinadas concepções associadas a ordem social, práticas condicionadas, argumentando sobre assuntos públicos e a definição do sentido ampliado de decisão. Através de uma estratégia focada, se estabeleceram marcos conflituosos (especificamente identificados por meio de políticas públicas), com o foco de entender como os sentidos são construídos sobre o tipo de sociedade que defende e argumenta (ideia de ordem). O objetivo deste artigo é compartilhar algumas das decisões teóricas e metodológicas tomadas na pesquisa/experiência e abrir um leque de possibilidades para incentivar a investigação sobre a intersecção entre comunicação e políticas públicas para abordar diversos conflitos sociais. PALAVRAS-CHAVE: Marcos conflitantes; memorias; orden social. 

1991 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 259-274
Author(s):  
Masudul A. Choudhury

In this paper, the decision-making character of shura, the consultativedemocratic concept in an Islamic social order, will be shown to clearly definethe determination of both state variables (socioeconomic variables) and policyvariables and the simulative interactions between them. These variables willthen be shown to configure the consumption, production, and distributionmenus in an Islamic political economy. They will thus be shown as clearlydefined variables that help to formulate the social choice, the social welfarefunction, and the institutional decision-making problems in an Islamic politicoeconomicorder.Shuratic Decision Making in the Perspective ofOrganizational TheoryThe Islamic shuratic (i.e., based on shura) decision-making process isthe centerpiece of organhtional behavior in Islamic institutions. The followingis a technical explanation of this process in light of modem organizationaltheory:’(a) Shura is structured into representative decision makers fromvarious walks of life (“sharees”).(b) “The abstract nature of each individual task” is carried outby ijtihad and the interpretations and implementation of theShari’ah (Islamic law) to various socioeconomic problems ...


Author(s):  
Abhigyan Guha ◽  

The COVID-19 Pandemic has accentuated pre-existing global conflicts and fissures tremendously, and India has been plagued with multifaceted challenges from skyrocketing unemployment, demand and public debt crisis to the predicament of labour migration, characterized by a plethora of economic, sociological, political and humanitarian ramifications. The rudimentary objective of this paper is to offer a normative teleological insight into the de facto migrant labour crisis in India, while holistically juxtaposing myriad ontological and epistemological indicators, with an emphasis on the economic and human rights dimension of Pandemic-induced intra-state and inter-state labour migration. While assessing a series of macro-societal and cyclical developments, ranging from “Push and Pull” factors of labour migration, reactionary decision-making of the political establishment to the repercussions of cyclical lockdowns, the attitudinal and ideational component of the social order towards migrant labourers has been highlighted, when a virulent contagion has propelled systemic racial discrimination, cognitive biases, ethnocentrism, xenophobia and institutionalized otherization vis-à-vis the instruments of statecraft, during the pyrrhic rise of mobilization on the closures of borders. While the notion of physical and social distancing is antithetical to the rationale behind society and politics as collective decision-making arenas, the current health crisis has compelled to turn the lens back on the struggles and vast array of insecurities of migration and settlement. Additionally, this paper throws light on the immediate contours and trajectories of forced and voluntary labour migration, processes of assimilation and acculturation, how networks and kinship ties that migrant labourers bring with them shape the magnitude of internal and international migration by adding to the changing global demography. A series of speculative policy prescriptions have been suggested, advancing an ethos of care and respect.


Author(s):  
Adam Habib

AbstractThe author interrogates the empirical experience of #FeesMustFall—which is extensively detailed in the book Rebels & Rage from which this article flows—with a view to understanding social movements and in turn enhancing the effectiveness of social justice struggles in the future. He discusses the value of social mobilization in effecting change, but demonstrates that this is only sustainable if the protest is structured within certain strategic and ethical parameters. He then proceeds to interrogate the issues of violence, the framing of the struggle and outcomes, the decision-making processes associated with the protest, and the importance of ethical conduct by leaders and activists. He concludes by underscoring the legitimacy of the social justice struggles but insists that these have to be more effectively conducted if they are to culminate in the establishment of a more humane social order.


2020 ◽  
Vol 0 (0) ◽  
Author(s):  
Fernanda Duarte ◽  
Rafael Mario Iorio Filho

AbstractJudicial institutions which provide legal mechanisms for conflict resolution play an important role in maintaining the social order of complex societies. Weaknesses in the performance of their duties can contribute to social conflict developing into outright violence that will be beyond the management of law and the courts. In this sense it is strategic to study the judicial system and the decision-making processes of its judges if one wants to understand the ways conflicts are dealt in a certain place and time. In this article we focus our attention on the role of the Brazilian Federal Supreme Court as custodian of the Constitution and the discourses that its decision-making construct when dealing with human rights issues. Specifically we set out to understand how the opinions of Brazilian Supreme Court Justices are constructed when deciding cases concerning freedom of religion. The timeline considered covers 31 years, from 1988 to 2019, a period that begins with the promulgation of the new constitution in 1988 (which symbolically reinstated democracy in the country after the end of the period of military rule that began in 1964) up to the present day. We begin by presenting the legal definition of freedom of religion in Brazil which constitutes the normative background of the discussion. We then discuss our project, stressing the methodological approach we have adopted and finally we present our data findings. We identified 39 cases in total of which 11 were selected and analyzed using the methodology of Semiolinguistic Discourse Analysis in order to define the semantic field related to freedom of religion in Brazil. Even though the number of cases is not large it is possible to identify some features of Brazilian legal culture which are also recurrent when dealing with religious freedom. One of these features is the absence of consensus-building logic in the Justices’ opinions—we attribute this to what we term the disputatio mindset—which contributes to continuing institutional instability and legal insecurity. Our findings suggest that these Supreme Court decisions frequently lack the strong level of rational consistency that lower courts require if they are to identify clear guiding principles that can control the outcomes of new cases


Author(s):  
Steven R. Brown

Q methodology was introduced in 1935 and has evolved to become the most elaborate philosophical, conceptual, and technical means for the systematic study of subjectivity across an increasing array of human activities, most recently including decision making. Subjectivity is an inescapable dimension of all decision making since we all have thoughts, perspectives, and preferences concerning the wide range of matters that come to our attention and that enter into consideration when choices have to be made among options, and Q methodology provides procedures and a rationale for clarifying and examining the various viewpoints at issue. The application of Q methodology commonly begins by accumulating the various comments in circulation concerning a topic and then reducing them to a smaller set for administration to select participants, who then typically rank the statements in the Q sample from agree to disagree in the form of a Q sort. Q sorts are then correlated and factor analyzed, giving rise to a typology of persons who have ordered the statements in similar ways. As an illustration, Q methodology was administered to a diverse set of stakeholders concerned with the problems associated with the conservation and control of large carnivores in the Northern Rockies. Participants nominated a variety of possible solutions that each person then Q sorted from those solutions judged most effective to those judged most ineffective, the factor analysis of which revealed four separate perspectives that are compared and contrasted. A second study demonstrates how Q methodology can be applied to the examination of single cases by focusing on two members of a group contemplating how they might alter the governing structures and culture of their organization. The results are used to illustrate the quantum character of subjective behavior as well as the laws of subjectivity. Discussion focuses on the broader role of decisions in the social order.


2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
Ilovia Ayaregita Widayat ◽  
Diana Mutiara Bahari ◽  
Azka Azzahra Salsabila ◽  
Nabila Rizky Sri Handayani ◽  
Hanna Khairunnisa Adjie

This paper analyzes the history of social conflicts that occurred in Poso district that began in 1992 and their efforts to resolve them. In general, this conflict is seen as a conflict in the name of the dominant religion, namely Islam and Christianity. This conflict is motivated by the displacement of social order in which the indigenous Poso people who mostly adhere to Christian beliefs feel marginalized by migrants, especially from Java, who are mostly Muslim. So this makes the social system move where the newcomers dominate in terms of politics, economics and social, giving rise to sentiment. In this study the authors used a qualitative method that uses sources of reading, literature, journals, books and online print media related to this research. The author uses two approaches namely the theory of constructivism and social conflict to answer the problems in this study. The results of this study stated that the main factor of social conflict that occurred in Poso was not due to religious dominance, but rather to the transfer of power both politically, economically and socially. In the solution, it met with obstacles and negotiations to find an amicable agreement that represented the interests of both parties.


2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (12) ◽  
pp. 2026-2035
Author(s):  
Emmanuel Ngor NDIAYE

This study explores the postulate studied in Aviva Chomsky’s “They Take our Jobs"! And 20 Other Myths about Immigration. It examines the assumptions and arguments that fuel the public discourse about U.S. immigration. As noted by Chomsky, those arguments are based on myths that should be deconstrued to better understand the rationale behind the anti-immigrant rhetoric which is reflected by stereotypes such as immigrants take American jobs, drain down wages, or represent a threat to the social order and national security. On the basis of these arguments and information drawn from diverse sources, we have shown how from a nation of immigrants, America has become a country where immigrants take American jobs. Thus, the idea of the nation of immigrants refers specifically to immigrants of European ancestry, in particular those from northwestern Europe. The latter, also known as the WASP, represent the American mainstream culture and their hegemony is widespread to the point of influencing other sectors where decision-making processes echo the legacy, the values and expectations of the white community. Starting from these arguments, it can be stated that Anglo-Saxonism is fundamentally based on the domination of other communities and the institutions and ideologies of the United States reflect this reality.


1958 ◽  
Vol 3 (6) ◽  
pp. 158-160
Author(s):  
LAWRENCE SCHLESINGER

1946 ◽  
Author(s):  
Georgene H. Seward
Keyword(s):  

1970 ◽  
pp. 53-57
Author(s):  
Azza Charara Baydoun

Women today are considered to be outside the political and administrative power structures and their participation in the decision-making process is non-existent. As far as their participation in the political life is concerned they are still on the margins. The existence of patriarchal society in Lebanon as well as the absence of governmental policies and procedures that aim at helping women and enhancing their political participation has made it very difficult for women to be accepted as leaders and to be granted votes in elections (UNIFEM, 2002).This above quote is taken from a report that was prepared to assess the progress made regarding the status of Lebanese women both on the social and governmental levels in light of the Beijing Platform for Action – the name given to the provisions of the Fourth Conference on Women held in Beijing in 1995. The above quote describes the slow progress achieved by Lebanese women in view of the ambitious goal that requires that the proportion of women occupying administrative or political positions in Lebanon should reach 30 percent of thetotal by the year 2005!


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