Skill Development for Youths: Recent Initiatives in Karnataka

<div><p><em>Unemployment is a serious issue in India as well as in all the states as many youths are having educational qualifications but not skills as a sequel they are not employable. In view of this, the Government of India has set up Ministry of Skill Development And Entrepreneurship in recent years. The Ministry is responsible for co-ordination of all skill development efforts across the country, removal of disconnect between demand and supply of skilled manpower, building the vocational and technical training framework, skill up-gradation, building of new skills, and innovative thinking not only for existing jobs but also jobs that are to be created. Like other State Governments, the Government of Karnataka has taken initiative to set up the Skill Development, Entrepreneurship and Livelihood Department to address skilling issues in the State. The Department came into existence in September 2016 to embark on a formidable journey of skilling youth of the state and make them employable.</em></p><p><em>The goal of the skill development in Karnataka is to impart skills annually to 13.4 lakh workforce and new entrants who desire to achieve sustainable livelihood either through wage employment or self-employment. Policy will focus primarily on young persons of 16 to 35 years of age for the period from 2016 to 2030. In this research paper few important initiatives are highlighted</em>.</p></div>

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People’s Movement in Odisha: An Assessment

Indian Journal of Public Administration ◽

10.1177/0019556117699744 ◽

2017 ◽

Vol 63 (2) ◽

pp. 265-283

Author(s):

Subhendu Ranjan Raj

Keyword(s):

Human Rights ◽

Large Scale ◽

Civil Disobedience ◽

The State ◽

State Governments ◽

Growth Strategies ◽

Protest Movements ◽

The People ◽

The Government ◽

Set Up

Development process in Odisha (before 2011 Orissa) may have led to progress but has also resulted in large-scale dispossession of land, homesteads, forests and also denial of livelihood and human rights. In Odisha as the requirements of development increase, the arena of contestation between the state/corporate entities and the people has correspondingly multiplied because the paradigm of contemporary model of growth is not sustainable and leads to irreparable ecological/environmental costs. It has engendered many people’s movements. Struggles in rural Odisha have increasingly focused on proactively stopping of projects, mining, forcible land, forest and water acquisition fallouts from government/corporate sector. Contemporaneously, such people’s movements are happening in Kashipur, Kalinga Nagar, Jagatsinghpur, Lanjigarh, etc. They have not gained much success in achieving their objectives. However, the people’s movement of Baliapal in Odisha is acknowledged as a success. It stopped the central and state governments from bulldozing resistance to set up a National Missile Testing Range in an agriculturally rich area in the mid-1980s by displacing some lakhs of people of their land, homesteads, agricultural production, forests and entitlements. A sustained struggle for 12 years against the state by using Gandhian methods of peaceful civil disobedience movement ultimately won and the government was forced to abandon its project. As uneven growth strategies sharpen, the threats to people’s human rights, natural resources, ecology and subsistence are deepening. Peaceful and non-violent protest movements like Baliapal may be emulated in the years ahead.

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The Movement for Revision of the California Constitution: the State Constitutional Commission

American Political Science Review ◽

10.2307/1947661 ◽

1931 ◽

Vol 25 (2) ◽

pp. 337-342

Author(s):

Charles Aikin

Keyword(s):

The State ◽

State Governments ◽

State University ◽

Constitutional Convention ◽

Constituent Assembly ◽

The People ◽

The Government ◽

Set Up ◽

Systematic Plan ◽

Large Sections

The constitution of California—filling one hundred and sixty-five pages of fine print—has been the object of so much criticism, and even ridicule, that the people of the state are fairly well agreed that it ought to be given an overhauling. As to the nature and extent, as well as the method, of the proposed reconstruction, there is, however, little or no harmony of view. The fact that the state electorate has on a number of occasions declined to sanction the calling of a constitutional convention does not indicate that it is content to leave things as they are. But what, it is asked, might such an assembly do? Should it tamper with those sections dealing with the initiative, referendum, or recall, its work would come to nothing. Should it impair the powers of the railroad commission, or abolish the judicial,council, or set up a new basis of taxation, or lessen the independence of the regents of the state university, or raise the salaries of legislative and executive officials, or take any one of a dozen other courses of action, large sections of the electorate would oppose the revised instrument. It is a fairly safe assumption that a constituent assembly that radically revised the present constitution would see its work discarded by the people. Therefore, since a constitutional convention could do nothing effective, why waste money on a futile adventure?Since the adoption of the present constitution in 1879, there has been no studied revision. Californians have changed the instrument when and as they have seen fit, acting largely on proposals of the legislature. They have followed no systematic plan; yet in most instances they have acted wisely. Piecemeal, sporadic, and unscientific modifications are not likely to produce a document of sufficient symmetry of form to be admired; nevertheless, the government thus established may prove quite workable, and, as American state governments go, highly successful.

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Un anacronismo preconstitucional que requiere ser adaptado al bloque de constitucionalidad: el Convenio sobre la pesca en el Bidasoa y en la Bahía de Higuer, de 14 de julio de 1959

RVAP 118 - Revista Vasca de Administración Pública / Herri-Arduralaritzarako Euskal Aldizkaria ◽

10.47623/ivap-rvap.104.2016.1.09 ◽

2016 ◽

pp. 261-300

Author(s):

Carlos FERNÁNDEZ DE CASADEVANTE ROMANÍ

Keyword(s):

International Agreements ◽

The State ◽

Autonomous Community ◽

Current Block ◽

The Law ◽

The Government ◽

Set Up

LABURPENA: Lan honek Bidasoan eta Higerreko badian arrantzatzeari buruzko 1959ko uztailaren 14ko Espainiaren eta Frantziaren arteko hitzarmenaren konstituzio-kontrakotasuna aztertzen du, Espainiari dagokionez. Hitzarmen horrek, hain zuzen ere, espazio horietako ibai-arrantza, itsaski-bilketa eta akuikultura arautzen ditu, bai eta horietan egindako arau-hausteen ikuskapena eta zehapena ere, eta konstituzioa onartu eta ia berrogei urtera, ez du zuzenketarik izan araudi berrira egokitzeko. Hau da, alor horietan eta ur horietan Euskal Autonomia Erkidegoak duen eskumen esklusibora egokitu gabe dago oraindik. Arazo hori konpontzeko, bi aukera proposatzen dira: Euskal Autonomia Erkidegoaren organo eskudunek konstituzio-kontrakotasuneko errekurtsoa jartzea, edo Estatuko Gobernuari Hitzarmena eguneratzeko eskatzea, hitzarmenei eta nazioarteko beste akordio batzuei buruzko azaroaren 27ko 25/2014 Legearen 49., 50. eta 51. artikuluetan xedatutako prozedurak erabiliz. Izan ere, prozedura horietan autonomien parte-hartzea aurreikusten da. RESUMEN: El trabajo aborda la inconstitucionalidad, en lo que a España se refiere, del Convenio hispano-francés de 14 de julio de 1959, relativo a la pesca en el Bidasoa y Bahía de Higuer; tratado que regula la pesca fluvial, el marisqueo y la acuicultura en esos espacios, así como la inspección y sanción de las infracciones al mismo, pero que casi cuarenta años después del vigente bloque de constitucionalidad no ha sido enmendado para adaptarlo al mismo. Esto es, a la competencia exclusiva de la Comunidad Autónoma Vasca en esas materias y en esas aguas. Para corregir esta anomalía se propone que los órganos competentes de la Comunidad Autónoma Vasca soliciten al Gobierno del Estado la enmienda del Convenio en el marco de los procedimientos instaurados por los arts. 49, 50 y 51 de la Ley 25/2014, de 27 de noviembre, de Tratados y otros acuerdos internacionales; procedimientos que contemplan la participación autonómica. ABSTRACT: The article deals with the unconstitutionality, as far as Spain is concerned, of the Spanish-French Convention of July 14, 1959, concerning fishing in the Bidasoa and Higuer Bay; treaty ruling river fishing, shellfish and aquaculture in these waters as well as inspection and punishment of violations of it. Nevertheless, nearly forty years after the current block of constitutionality it has not been adapted to it; this is the exclusive competence of the Basque Autonomous Community in these areas and in those waters. To correct this anomaly the request by the competent bodies of the Basque Autonomous Community for the amendment of the Convention to the Government of the State in the framework of the procedures set up buy articles 49, 50 and 51 of the Law 27/2014, of 27 November, of treaties and other international agreements; procedures including regional participation, is proposed.

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Activities of Non-Governmental Organisations Aimed at Conflict Settlement in Post-Soviet States

Quaestio Rossica ◽

10.15826/qr.2020.2.472 ◽

2020 ◽

Vol 8 (2) ◽

Author(s):

Alexander Nikitin ◽

Irina Bolgova ◽

Yulia Nikitina

Keyword(s):

Soviet Union ◽

The State ◽

Soviet Period ◽

Public Interests ◽

The Soviet Union ◽

International Environment ◽

International Projects ◽

The Government ◽

Public Organisations ◽

Set Up

This article analyses the peace-making activities of Soviet/Russian nongovernmental public organisations (NGOs) with reference to the Federation for Peace and Conciliation, the successor of the Soviet Peace Committee. NGOs were formed at the initiative of the state and party organs of the Soviet system but were transformed into independent NGOs after the collapse of the USSR with their own active strategy of assistance in conflict resolution. This study is based upon unique archive materials and the personal experience of one of the authors, who used to work for such organisations. The study focuses on the ethnopolitical conflicts which took place between the collapse of the USSR and the mid‑1990s. There is a widespread opinion in academic literature that so-called non-governmental organisations set up by the government do not have their own identity, especially during social crises, and passively follow the government’s political line. However, the study of their activities demonstrates that during the first years after the dissolution of the Soviet Union, these organisations initiated a significant number of practical and political projects with the participation of high-ranked representatives of the governments, parliaments, and political parties of both post-Soviet and foreign states and international organisations, including the UN, OSCE, NATO, CIS, etc. This, in turn, played a role as a substantial supplement to classical interstate diplomacy and practically promoted the settlement of certain ethnopolitical conflicts. The archive materials analysed prove that in the early post-Soviet period, a certain inversion in the direction of political and ideological impulses took place, and a number of non-governmental organisations that used to transmit the interests of the Communist Party and state organs to the international environment were able to create new international projects and consultations in the form of “track one-and-a-half” diplomacy, i. e. the informal interaction of officials in the capacity of unofficial experts. And in such cases, it was NGOs which shaped the agenda and transmitted public interests to the state structures of Russia and the CIS states, mediating between fighting sides and amongst representatives of various states, practically assisting the settlement of ethnopolitical conflicts.

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American Democracy Reconsidered: Part I

British Journal of Political Science ◽

10.1017/s0007123400007675 ◽

1973 ◽

Vol 3 (1) ◽

pp. 1-28 ◽

Cited By ~ 28

Author(s):

L. J. Sharpe

Keyword(s):

United States ◽

The United States ◽

National Government ◽

The State ◽

City Government ◽

State Governments ◽

American Democracy ◽

The People ◽

The Government ◽

The One

In his celebrated study of American democracy written in 1888, Lord Bryce reserved his most condemnatory reflections for city government and in a muchquoted passage asserted: ‘There is no denying that the government of cities is the one conspicuous failure of the United States. The deficiencies of the National government tell but little for evil on the welfare of the people. The faults of the State governments are insignificant compared with the extravagance, corruption and mismanagement which mark the administration of most of the great cities'sangeetha.

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Urban poverty in India: Issues and perspectives in development

Social Change ◽

10.1177/004908570003000202 ◽

2000 ◽

Vol 30 (1-2) ◽

pp. 8-32 ◽

Cited By ~ 1

Author(s):

Amitabh Kundu

Keyword(s):

Credit Rating ◽

Urban Poverty ◽

Rural Poverty ◽

State Level ◽

The State ◽

Constitutional Amendment ◽

State Governments ◽

Rural And Urban ◽

Urban Settlements ◽

The Government

The present paper examines the trends in rural and urban poverty, analyses the interstate variations and explains these in terms of socio-economic factors. It shows that rural poverty declines smoothly with economic development, which unfortunately is not the case with urban poverty. The availability of water supply, toilets and electricity, that are not explicitly incorporated in the official definition of poverty, has also been analysed at the state level as also across size class of urban settlements. It is argued that the small and medium towns have a weak and unstable economic base. As a consequence, most of these are not in a position to generate funds to provide civic services to all sections of population. These towns, particularly those located in less developed states, should, therefore, be the major concern of government policy. Further, overviewing the changing system of governance, it argues that the seventy-fourth Constitutional Amendment, has not succeeded in genuine empowerment of civic bodies. The power now seems to have shifted from the state governments to the financial institutions, international donors and credit rating agencies. Finally, the capacity of the government to generate employment directly through anti-poverty programmes would remain limited. The paper, therefore, recommends that the anti-poverty programmes should primarily be focussed on provision of basic amenities.

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III. State Treason Trials During the Puritan Revolution, 1640–1660

The Historical Journal ◽

10.1017/s0018246x00001837 ◽

1972 ◽

Vol 15 (1) ◽

pp. 37-53 ◽

Cited By ~ 5

Author(s):

Adele Hast

Keyword(s):

Common Law ◽

The State ◽

Direct Link ◽

Legal Basis ◽

Legislative Body ◽

Law Courts ◽

The Government ◽

Set Up ◽

Council Of State ◽

Legal Procedures

The government of the parliamentary party during the Puritan Revolution of 1640–60 instituted changes in judicial and legal procedures to maintain its power and subdue its enemies. This study of treason trials conducted by the state will examine their legal basis and the events and activities considered treasonable. It will show the ways in which the concept of treason changed under a revolutionary government, and to what extent those trials conducted during the interregnum differed in their legal—judicial bases and content from those held before the King's death. Although there were hundreds of treason convictions during the interregnum throughout England, either by military courts-martial, or by common-law courts sitting in the provinces — as is shown by the Acts providing for die sale of estates forfeited to the Commonwealth for treason — this discussion will limit itself to trials initiated by the government in London. These state trials illustrate die political use of the treason charge; diey provide a direct link between the enactment of the interregnum treason laws and their implementation by the same legislative body. Not only was the meaning of treason determined, and die machinery of trial set up, by parliament; but who was to be tried was also decided eidier by parliament or die Council of State, and, after 1654, by the Protector and his council. It will dierefore be instructive to examine the types of treasonous action considered sufficiendy threatening to warrant parliamentary attention.

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Usage of quotas in the state budget: A case study of Karnataka in India

Disability Studies Quarterly ◽

10.18061/dsq.v29i1.169 ◽

2009 ◽

Vol 29 (1) ◽

Cited By ~ 2

Author(s):

Pradeep Kumar

Keyword(s):

Safety Net ◽

The State ◽

State Governments ◽

Font Size ◽

Poverty Eradication ◽

State Budget ◽

Persons With Disabilities ◽

Development Agenda ◽

The Government

<span style="font-size: 12pt; font-family: Arial;">Persons with disabilities constitute nearly ten percent of the population of India, and the Persons with Disabilities Act of 1995 allocates 3% quota in all poverty alleviation programmes and schemes of the government. Though the system of quota has a legislative mandate to be used as a safety net, many studies have indicated that the state governments have failed in implementing the same in the case of people with disabilities. Karnataka has been one of the most progressive states in mainstreaming disability into the development agenda of the state, and through a democratic process of "participatory governance" it has ensured that the allocation of 3% quota is successfully implemented in all the poverty eradication programmes of the state.</span>

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The CM Window in Haryana: A Landmark Initiative for Grievance Redressal

Indian Journal of Public Administration ◽

10.1177/00195561211056412 ◽

2021 ◽

Vol 67 (4) ◽

pp. 587-607

Author(s):

Bhupeshwar Dayal ◽

Rajvir Dhaka

Keyword(s):

The State ◽

State Governments ◽

The Government ◽

Insight Into

Grievance redressal is often a general administrative exercise which is adopted by various state governments and agencies with varying degrees of commitment and efficacy. An ideal redressal mechanism aims at safeguarding degrees against official apathy, corruption and systemic aberrations. It also implicitly acts as a deterrent to erring agencies and functionaries as well as sets a benchmark for a higher executive’s oversight to peoples’ complaints. A revisit to the course and manner of this hitherto routine exercise reveals that the functional and effectual system for addressing people’s grievances has to include a mechanism which is specific as well as achievable and includes a procedure for measurable performance. The CM Window initiative of the Government of Haryana has set its sight at unrestricted grievance redressal across departments and geographical spreads of the state through a process of decentralised complaint recording, prompt solutions and centralised monitoring at the highest level. This article offers a closer insight into the focus, working, effectiveness and limitations of the ambitious exercise to ameliorate citizens’ hardships.

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Public trust in state governments in India: Who are more confident and what makes them confident about the government?

Asian Journal of Comparative Politics ◽

10.1177/2057891119898763 ◽

2020 ◽

pp. 205789111989876

Author(s):

Deepak Kumar ◽

Bhanu Pratap ◽

Archana Aggarwal

Keyword(s):

Socioeconomic Status ◽

State Government ◽

Low Socioeconomic Status ◽

Low Income ◽

Good Governance ◽

Public Trust ◽

Social Benefit ◽

The State ◽

State Governments ◽

The Government

Public trust in government is crucial for good governance, encompassing economic and social development of the region in a representative democratic setup. This study uses India Human Development Survey (2004–2005 and 2011–2012) data to examine the changing pattern of household confidence in state governments in India. Using a logit model analysis, we examine how the level of household confidence in the state government changes with households’ socioeconomic status, personal experiences, and benefits received from government programs and direct social benefit schemes. We find that households with a low socioeconomic status (such as Scheduled Castes/Scheduled Tribes, and low-income and less educated households) are more likely to trust the state government. In addition, households that have had a positive experience or have received benefits from a government program and/or social scheme are more likely to exhibit high levels of trust in the state government. We also find that residents of less developed states are more likely to have high levels of trust in their state government than residents of highly developed states.

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