scholarly journals Audiovisual, hegemonia e contra hegemonia - O caso comparado da TV Pública no Brasil e na Argentina

2017 ◽  
Vol 11 (3) ◽  
pp. 25
Author(s):  
Richard Santos ◽  
Jacques De Novion
Keyword(s):  
Political Process ◽  
Digital Tv ◽  
State Enterprise ◽  
The Political ◽  
Public Television ◽  
Human Right ◽  
The Us ◽  
The Creation ◽  
America Latina ◽  
Reactive Processes

Como proposta central, busca-se analisar as transformações ocorridas no âmbito das TVs Públicas do Brasil e Argentina no período de governo compreendido entre o segundo mandato de Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, primeiro mandato de Dilma Vana Rousseff e os dois mandatos eletivos de Cristina Fernandes de Kirchner. Com o objetivo de ilustrar a investigação, analisamos o processo político que levou a criação da TV Brasil associada à Empresa Brasil de Comunicação e da TV Digital Aberta na Argentina. Cotejamos a influência desses processos locais relacionados com a criação da Telesur, empreendimento multiestatal de matriz venezuelana e os desdobramentos desses empreendimentos como direito humano a comunicação democrática, plural e emancipatória. Exploramos a geopolítica da comunicação na América Latina; os Estados Nacionais e suas elites relacionadas com os monopólios e oligopólios comunicacionais dependentes; a influência estadunidense na cooperação técnica para o desenvolvimento das tecnologias da comunicação na região; imposições estadunidenses quanto ao desenvolvimento e estética branca das programações para a região que formam cenários de representação em desacordo com o caudal multicultural local; os processos reativos nascidos nos governos progressistas que no período avançaram pelo continente; os medos, descaminhos e conciliações que impediram a concretização da possibilidade emancipatória.Palavras-chave: Televisão pública. Hegemonia e Contra-hegemonia. Maioria Minorizada. Pluralidade racial.Audiovisual, Hegemonía y contra Hegemonía - El caso Comparado de La TV Pública en Brasil y ArgentinaResumenSe busca analizar las transformaciones ocurridas en el ámbito de las TVs Públicas de Brasil y Argentina en el período de gobierno comprendido entre el segundo mandato de Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva, primer mandato de Dilma Vana Rousseff y los dos mandatos electivos de Cristina Fernandes de Kirchner. Analizamos el proceso político que llevó a la creación de TV Brasil asociada a la Empresa Brasil de Comunicación y de la TV Digital Abierta en Argentina. Cotejamos la influencia de Telesur, multiestatal de matriz venezolana y los desdoblamientos de esos emprendimientos como derecho humano la comunicación democrática, plural y emancipatoria. Exploramos la geopolítica de la comunicación en América Latina; la formación de los Estados Nacionales y de sus elites relacionadas con los monopolios y oligopolios comunicacionales dependientes; la influencia estadunidense en la cooperación técnica para el desarrollo de las tecnologías de la comunicación en la región; imposiciones  en cuanto al desarrollo y estética blanca de las programaciones para la región que forman escenarios de representación en desacuerdo con el caudal multicultural local; los procesos reactivos nacidos en los gobiernos progresistas que en el período avanzaron por el continente; los miedos, descaminos y conciliaciones que impidieron la concreción de la emancipación.Palabras clave: Televisión pública. Hegemonía y Contra-hegemonía. Mayoría Minorizada; Pluralidad racial.Audiovisual, Hegemony and Counter Hegemony - The Comparative Case of Public TV in Brazil and ArgentinaAbstract Sought to analyze the transformations that took place in the scope of Public TVs of Brazil and Argentina in the period of government comprising the second term of Luis Inácio Lula da Silva, Dilma Vana Rousseff's first term, and the two elective terms of Cristina Fernandes de Kirchner. As the objective to illustrate the research, we analyzed the political process that led to the creation of TV Brasil associated with Empresa Brasil de Comunicação and Open Digital TV in Argentina. The influence of these local processes related to the creation of Telesur, a multi-state enterprise of Venezuelan matrix and the unfolding of these enterprises as a human right to democratic, plural and emancipatory communication. Explored the geopolitics of communication in Latin America; The National States and their elites related to monopolies and dependent oligopolies; The US impositions regarding the development and white aesthetics of the schedules for the region that form scenarios of representation in disagreement with the local multicultural flow; The reactive processes borned in the progressive governments that in the period advanced by the continent; The fears, misunderstandings and conciliations that prevented the realization of the emancipatory possibility.Key words:  Public television. Hegemony and Counter-hegemony. Majority Minorized. Racial plurality.

Challenges of the parliamentary system in Iraq after 2003

2019 ◽  
Vol 3 (10) ◽  
pp. 101
Author(s):  
Emad Wakaa Ajil
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
Separation Of Powers ◽  
Political Process ◽  
The United States ◽  
Arab Countries ◽  
The Political ◽  
Parliamentary System ◽  
Political Transformations ◽  
The Us ◽  
Long Time

Iraq is one of the most Arab countries where the system of government has undergone major political transformations and violent events since the emergence of the modern Iraqi state in 1921 and up to the present. It began with the monarchy and the transformation of the regime into the republican system in 1958. In the republican system, Continued until 2003, and after the US occupation of Iraq in 2003, the regime changed from presidential to parliamentary system, and the parliamentary experience is a modern experience for Iraq, as he lived for a long time without parliamentary experience, what existed before 2003, can not be a parliamentary experience , The experience righteousness The study of the parliamentary system in particular and the political process in general has not been easy, because it is a complex and complex process that concerns the political system and its internal and external environment, both of which are influential in the political system and thus on the political process as a whole, After the US occupation of Iraq, the United States intervened to establish a permanent constitution for the country. Despite all the circumstances accompanying the drafting of the constitution, it is the first constitution to be drafted by an elected Constituent Assembly. The Iraqi Constitution adopted the parliamentary system of government and approved the principle of flexible separation of powers in order to achieve cooperation and balance between the authorities.

The Violence of Inequality: Race and Lobbying in the Politics of Crime and Criminal Justice in the United States

2021 ◽  
pp. 68-93
Author(s):  
Sappho Xenakis ◽  
Leonidas K. Cheliotis
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Criminal Justice ◽  
Policy Making ◽  
Political Process ◽  
The United States ◽  
Reciprocal Relationship ◽  
Criminal Justice Policy ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Us

There is no shortage of scholarly and other research on the reciprocal relationship that inequality bears to crime, victimisation and contact with the criminal justice system, both in the specific United States context and beyond. Often, however, inequality has been studied in conjunction with only one of the three phenomena at issue, despite the intersections that arguably obtain between them–and, indeed, between their respective connections with inequality itself. There are, moreover, forms of inequality that have received far less attention in pertinent research than their prevalence and broader significance would appear to merit. The purpose of this chapter is dual: first, to identify ways in which inequality’s linkages to crime, victimisation and criminal justice may relate to one another; and second, to highlight the need for a greater focus than has been placed heretofore on the role of institutionalised inequality of access to the political process, particularly as this works to bias criminal justice policy-making towards the preferences of financially motivated state lobbying groups at the expense of disadvantaged racial minorities. In so doing, the chapter singles out for analysis the US case and, more specifically, engages with key extant explanations of the staggering rise in the use of imprisonment in the country since the 1970s.

The Duty of Diplomatic Dissent

2006 ◽  
Vol 1 (3) ◽  
pp. 295-301
Author(s):  
John Brady Kiesling
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Real World ◽  
Iraq War ◽  
Political Process ◽  
State Department ◽  
Policy Impact ◽  
The Political ◽  
Poor Outcome ◽  
The Poor ◽  
The Us

AbstractThe poor outcome of the Iraq War has highlighted the usefulness of 'reality-based' foreign policy. Yet the personal and professional consequences of dissent remain high in the US (and every other) diplomatic service. The Dissent Channel, currently underutilized, was designed to protect both the US State Department and its employees from bureaucratic retaliation for unwelcome real-world expertise. It should be reinvigorated. However, the unimpressive policy impact of dissent, whether through institutional channels or public resignations, makes it clear that effective dissent requires mobilizing the domestic political process as a force multiplier. Good dissent raises the political price of foreign policy blunders, and only through turning a bureaucratic system painfully against itself can blunders actually be prevented.

Keeping score on congress: explaining variations in interest group ratings of US senators

2013 ◽  
Vol 15 (3) ◽  
pp. 401-433 ◽  
Author(s):  
Daniel E. Chand ◽  
William D. Schreckhise
Keyword(s):  
Interest Group ◽  
Political Process ◽  
The Political ◽  
Group Level ◽  
Business Organizations ◽  
Individual Level ◽  
Us Congress ◽  
The Us ◽  
Us Senate ◽  
The Impact

We adopt a novel use for an old type of data – interest group scorecards – to explore the impact business organizations have on the political process. By aggregating congressional scorecards, we can develop a sense of how satisfied groups are with the US Congress as a whole. To do this, we generate interest group-level ratings of the US Senate derived from individual-level ratings of each senator. We find business groups tend to give higher aggregated scores relative to other types of groups, suggesting business organizations more often get what they want form Congress, which in turn, illuminates the importance of these groups in the political process. We also find that well-funded “niche” organizations tend to show higher levels of satisfaction with senators than larger groups with broad public missions.

scholarly journals "Islam" as the national identity for the formation of Pakistan: the political thought of Muhammad Iqbal and Abu'l 'Ala Mawdudi

2014 ◽  
Vol 33 (1) ◽  
pp. 317-339 ◽  
Author(s):  
Carimo Mohomed
Keyword(s):  
Political Thought ◽  
Political Process ◽  
The Political ◽  
Indian Politics ◽  
Political Alliances ◽  
Political Symbol ◽  
The Creation ◽  
The Masses ◽  
First Time ◽  
Communal Organizations

In 1930, Muhammad Iqbal (1877-1938) devised for the first time the creation of a separate state for the Indian Muslims, for whom, according to him, the main formative force through History had been Islam. Although predicated upon secular ideologies, the Pakistan movement was able to mobilize the masses only by appealing to Islam. Nationalism became dependent on Islam and, as a result, politicized the faith. A number of Muslim religious and communal organizations pointed to the importance of promoting Muslim nationalism, political consciousness and communal interests. As the creation of Pakistan became more and more likely, Abu'l 'Ala Mawdudi (1903-1979) increased his attacks on the Muslim League, objecting to the idea of Muslim nationalism because it would exclude Islam from India. The increasingly communal character of the Indian politics of the time, and the appeal made to religious symbols in the formulation of new political alliances and programmes by various Muslim groups as well as Muslim League leaders, created a climate in which Mawdudi's theological discourse found understanding and relevance. This paper, using especially the political thought of Muhammad Iqbal and Abu'l 'Ala Mawdudi, analyses how Islam was used to justify a separate state for the Indian Muslims, and the impacts on and challengesto the political process and its evolution, at the same time that it concludes that "Islam", as a political symbol, can have many forms according to the ideas previously held by those who use it.

scholarly journals A TV Cultura e seu papel no processo de implantação da multiprogramação no Brasil

2016 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Vivianne Lindsay Cardoso ◽  
Juliano Maurício Cardoso
Keyword(s):  
Political Economy ◽  
Digital Tv ◽  
The Political ◽  
Public Television ◽  
Historical Overview

Nos últimos anos, entre as contribuições mais significativas da TV Cultura está a implantação da multiprogramação, por meio dos canais Univesp TV e Multicultura. Em um panorama histórico da implantação, por meio de pesquisa bibliográfica e documental, com referencial teórico da Economia Política da Comunicação e Cultura, identifica-se o a iniciativa como relevante para a implantação da televisão digital e a comunicação pública no Brasil.TV Cul tura y s u papel en la mul tiprogramación procesode impl antación en BrasilResumen: En los últimos años, entre las contribuciones más significativasde la TV Cultura es la implementación de multiprogramación, a través delos canales de televisión y Univesp Multicultura. En una visión histórica dela ejecución, a través de la investigación bibliográfica y documental, conel marco teórico de la Economía Política de la Comunicación y la Cultura,identifica la iniciativa sea pertinente para la aplicación de la comunicacióndigital y la televisión pública en Brasil.Palabras clave: Multiprogramación/Multicanalización; Televisión pública;Televisión digital; Políticas públicas de comunicaciones.TV Cultura and its ro le in m ul tiprogramming impl ementationprocess in BrazilAbstract: In recent years, among the most significant contributions of TVCultura is the implementation of multiprogramming, through UNIVESP TVand Multicultura channels. In a historical overview of the implementation,through bibliographical and documentary research, with theoretical frameworkof the Political Economy of Communication and Culture, the paperidentifies the initiative as relevant for the implementation of digitalcommunication and public television in Brazil.Keywords: Multiprogramming; Public Television; Digital TV; Public CommunicationsPolicy.

ERP Implementation Across Cultures

2012 ◽  
pp. 19-32
Author(s):  
Celia Romm Livermore ◽  
Pierluigi Rippa
Keyword(s):  
Political Process ◽  
Study Data ◽  
The Political ◽  
Erp Implementation ◽  
Enterprise Resources Planning ◽  
Political Dynamics ◽  
The Us ◽  
Resources Planning ◽  
Case Study Data

Implementing an ERP project is a political process. This paper starts with a literature review of organizational politics and its implications to the implementation of ERP systems. The Political Strategies Framework which categorizes different ePolitics strategies in the cases is introduced. The framework is applied in the later sections of the paper to case study data from two companies, one in the US and one in Italy, that both implemented a SAP Enterprise Resources Planning Systems (ERP) with very different outcomes. The discussion highlights the political dynamics in each case and the way in which the framework can help us understand these differences. The conclusions section discusses the differences between the political dynamics in each case and the implications from the findings to broader issues of research on ERP implementation and politics.

ERP Implementation Across Cultures

2011 ◽  
Vol 2 (4) ◽  
pp. 16-28 ◽  
Author(s):  
Celia Romm Livermore ◽  
Pierluigi Rippa
Keyword(s):  
Political Process ◽  
Study Data ◽  
The Political ◽  
Erp Systems ◽  
Erp Implementation ◽  
Political Dynamics ◽  
The Us ◽  
Conclusion Section ◽  
Case Study Data

Implementing an ERP project is a political process. This paper starts with a literature review of organizational politics and its implications to the implementation of ERP systems. The Political Strategies Framework which categorizes different ePolitics strategies in the cases is introduced. The framework is applied in the later sections of the paper to case study data from two companies, one in the US and one in Italy, that both implemented a SAP Enterprise Planning Systems (ERP) with very different outcomes. The discussion highlights the political dynamics in each case and the way in which the framework can help us understand these differences. The conclusion section discusses the differences between the political dynamics in each case and the implications from the findings to broader issues of research on ERP implementation and politics.

The Politics of Border Control in the United States

The Border ◽  
2019 ◽  
pp. 177-207
Author(s):  
Martin A. Schain
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Political Process ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Political ◽  
Border Control ◽  
Policy Network ◽  
The Us ◽  
Southern Border ◽  
Border Controls ◽  
Perverse Effect

This chapter analyzes the shift in border policy in the United States. The shift evolved with what was framed as the surge of undocumented immigration after 1980, and the securitization of what had been a circulation of workers from Mexico to and from the United States. The perception of failure of immigration policy emerged not from a widespread reaction to a sense of failed integration, as in Europe, but to the increased political focus on the growth of the population of undocumented immigrants. The progressive reinforcement of the border, particularly after 1992, had the perverse effect of providing an incentive for migrants to remain on the US side in larger numbers than ever before. The growth of the undocumented population weighed on the political process in three ways. First, it fed a growing perception of failure of the adequacy of southern border controls. Second, as the issue of the border became politicized, it began to undermine stable understandings of policy within the policy network on immigration. Third, the border became a growing focus for intra- and interpolitical party conflict, and was accelerated by federal dynamics.

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