Ideas about religious and political threats in Russian political science and philosophy

2020 ◽  
Vol 26 (7) ◽  
pp. 97-105
Author(s):  
I. Romanova ◽  
◽  
V. Mladenov ◽  
А. Zhukova ◽  
◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Social Order ◽  
Social Evolution ◽  
Religious Conflict ◽  
Social Adaptation ◽  
Religious Groups ◽  
Russian Scientific ◽  
Interaction Processes ◽  
The Social ◽  
Wide Range ◽  
The Right

The article analyzes the problems of religious threats in the framework of Russian philosophical, theological, sociological, psychological thought. The analysis was carried out based on the provisions of the theory of the social evolution of religion, theory of religious conflict and theory of social adaptation of religion. The results of the analysis showed that the situation of studies of the religious threat within the Russian scientific field is complicated by the active confrontation among authors of publications on this topic. A large group of authors publish works in which they indicate the existence of a threat to national security from all religions that are not considered traditional in Russia. Fulfilling a social order and reflecting their metaphysical beliefs, biased authors classify a wide range of religious groups as dangerous and extremist. On the contrary, another group of researchers publishes materials through which it tries not only to justify the need for scientifically verified research of state-confessional interaction processes, but also to protect the right of believers to exercise the right of religious choice

RELIGIOUS AND POLITICAL THREATS TO THE STATE IN THE WESTERN POLITICAL SCIENCE AND PHILOSOPHY

2020 ◽  
Vol 26 (8) ◽  
pp. 91-99
Author(s):  
I. Romanova ◽  
◽  
V. Mladenov ◽  
А. Zhukova ◽  
◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Social Practice ◽  
Social Evolution ◽  
Religious Conflict ◽  
Social Adaptation ◽  
Philosophical Approach ◽  
General Direction ◽  
Religious Texts ◽  
The Social ◽  
Religious Associations ◽  
Evolution Of Religion

This article is devoted to an attempt to analyze religious threats, which the authors believe is not sufficiently developed in studies on religious security. The analysis was carried out within the framework of the methodology of the socio-philosophical approach, which rejects the version of the metaphysical religious threat from religious organizations. This analysis was carried out by the authors based on the theoretical principles of the theory of the social evolution of religion M. Weber, T. Parsons, theory of religious conflict K. Marx, R. Darendorf and theory of social adaptation of religion J. Richardson, B. R. Wilson. The results of the analysis showed that in the second half of the twentieth century the comprehension of religious threats took place within the confessional, legal, and psychological discourses based on the metaphysical opposition of “yours” and “aliens” (F. Conway, J. Siglman, R. D. Lifton, M. Singer, T. Patrick, J. MacDowell, W. Martin). The general direction of criticism of these discourses was the indication that the illegal actions of extremist organizations are usually determined by their political and economic goals, and not by the content of religious texts, which led to the requirement to distinguish between violent actions and the content of religious doctrines. Therefore, as the authors show, modern analysts, including E. Barker, J. Melton, J. Richardson, R. stark, and M. Introvigne, prove that the challenge and conflict between religious associations can not only be considered as a reflection of threats caused by religions, but also as a manifestation of competition within the confessional space. At the same time, the fears of threats spread in the course of this struggle are very important for the social practice of religions seeking to improve social policy

The cycle of the new left in the recent history of Argentina

2021 ◽  
Vol 31 (1) ◽  
pp. 252-279
Author(s):  
Maria Cristina Tortti ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Social Order ◽  
New Left ◽  
Social Protest ◽  
Political Regime ◽  
The Political ◽  
Recent Past ◽  
The Social ◽  
Wide Range ◽  
History Of ◽  
Multiple Actors

This paper aims at outlining the main processes that, in Argentina’s recent past, may enable us to understand the emergence, development and eventual defeat of the social protest movement and the political radicalization of the period 1960-70s.Here, as in previous papers, we resort to the concept of new left toname the movement that, though heterogeneous and lacking a unified direction, became a major unit in deeds, for multiple actors coming the most diverse angles coincided in opposing the vicious political regime and the social order it supported. Consequently, we shall try to reinstate the presence of such wide range of actors: their projects, objectives and speeches. Some critical circumstances shall be detailed and processes through which protests gradually amalgamated will be shown. Such extended politicization provided the frame for quite radical moves ranging from contracultural initiatives and the classism in the workers’ movement to the actual action of guerrilla groups. Through the dynamics of the events themselves we shall locate the peak moments as well as those which paved the way for their closure and eventual defeat in 1976.

Book reviews: Darwin

1992 ◽  
Vol 46 (2) ◽  
pp. 327-328
Keyword(s):  
19Th Century ◽  
Social Order ◽  
Industrial Revolution ◽  
Natural Philosophy ◽  
Labour Movement ◽  
The Social ◽  
Philosophy And Religion ◽  
The Press ◽  
The Right

Adrian Desmond & James Moore, Darwin . London: Michael Joseph, 1991. Pp. 808, £20.00. ISBN 0-3403-3 In Britain, as in much of Europe, the early and mid-19th century was a period of great social, political and intellectual turbulence. The industrial revolution was transforming the countryside, crowding the cities and disrupting the social order at all levels. The right to govern, long assumed by the duo of church and aristocracy, was being challenged. In 1848 Europe erupted in a cluster of radicalist revolutions and, though in Britain the threat of Chartism came to nothing, radical political thinking was taking root and would culminate, as the century progressed, in the ascendancy of Liberalism and the birth of the labour movement. In philosophy and religion, freedom of thought and discussion was rampant: questions once taboo as heresy were openly discussed (in 1880 Northampton was to elect an avowed atheist as its M.P.); utopian, evangelist and spiritualist groups abounded; developments in Natural Philosophy (which we now call science) were followed with enthusiasm, not only by naturalists, but by non-scientific intellectuals and (more surprising to us today) by the press and its now widely based readership.

scholarly journals Creating a Hero . . . Laughing at Clowns? Representations of Sports and Fitness in Soviet Fiction Films after the Olympic U-Turn in Politics

2020 ◽  
Vol 19 (4) ◽  
pp. 108-136
Author(s):  
Andrey Adelfinsky ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Social Order ◽  
Social Adaptation ◽  
Elite Sport ◽  
Feature Films ◽  
The Social ◽  
Sport Industry ◽  
Public Consciousness ◽  
Positive Representation ◽  
Olympic Sport ◽  
Selection Of

In the 1940s–1960s, the USSR made an ideological turn from leftist sports politics to the struggle for Olympic achievements. How has this U-turn affected the social order in Soviet sport and its artistic repre-sentation? The article offers a systematic review of Soviet sport fiction films. The study of sport and fit-ness imagination is conducted through a correlation between artistic performance and social context. Fo-cusing on the 1950s–1980s, we found three different types of representation: № 1 is the creating of a hero (for an elite athlete). This is the lion’s share of all sport movies where the “Myth of a Hero” in Olympic sport was constructed. In praising elite sport, modern Russian movies continue the well-known Soviet tradition; № 2 is the laughing at clowns (for mass sportsmen). These are mostly episodes in feature films on themes, where mass sport (i.e., non-elite, grassroots, recreational, fitness, and ordinary) is mentioned. Surprisingly, this sport is presented in a comic sense (except hiking and mountaineering); №3 is sport reality. This type comprises the tiniest selection of movies where art reflects the real situation inside the Soviet sport industry. Elite athletes are presented here as antiheroes with social adaptation problems; ad-ditionally, such issues as shamateurism are severely criticized. The conclusions are following: since the 1970s, sport films ceased to function as propaganda of fitness and recreational sport. On the contrary, elite sport (as an art branch), its representations in official arts and media jointly constructed the great “evan-gelical myth” about itself, which became the part of public consciousness. However, this myth had little to do with a new reality. Elite sport’s positive representation acted only as a propagandist tool that created a fictional social world. The existing social order’s irrationality was critically reflected only by the comedy genre.

scholarly journals Any Chance for the Enforceability of the Human Right to Subsistence?

2020 ◽  
pp. 140-162
Author(s):  
Celia Fernández Aller
Keyword(s):  
Fundamental Rights ◽  
Social Rights ◽  
Legal Analysis ◽  
Human Right ◽  
Complex Issue ◽  
Philosophical Foundations ◽  
The Social ◽  
Wide Range ◽  
Policies And Programs ◽  
The Right

It is not true that the idea of the right to subsistence should not give rise to much controversy. In fact, social rights are not considered as fundamental rights by everyone. The aim of this paper is to analyze whether abstract social rights –and the right to subsistence in particular- should be put in constitutions and laws and if judges should be given powers to interpret them. The philosophical foundations and the content of the right are studied and five great challenges are presented, although the most powerful one is to focus on the social and political enforceability of the fundamental right to subsistence. Assessing the effectiveness of the right to subsistence, and the right to food particularly, is a complex issue. In the legal discourse, the question seems to be only suggested.  Even when the Constitutions expressly recognize this right in some countries, its implementation faces many constraints. The progressive realization of ESC rights requires a complex interaction of policies and programs in a wide range of sectors and institutions.The scientific method used in this work is the legal-sociological method, regarding the understanding of the rules, the lack of them, their effectiveness,  etc.   Several methodological techniques have been used, such as social and legal analysis, legal deduction and induction, description and interdisciplinarity.

scholarly journals European Union: From social integration to social state

2004 ◽  
Vol 56 (4) ◽  
pp. 447-464
Author(s):  
Luka Brkic
Keyword(s):  
Social Integration ◽  
Social Order ◽  
Common Knowledge ◽  
Political Influence ◽  
Political Debate ◽  
European Constitution ◽  
Social Standards ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Right ◽  
The Eu

This paper analyzes recent free trade arrangements from a positive political economy perspective. In contrast to most other literature, which fails to take into account geographical factors, it is argued here that proximity and transportation costs play an important role in trade arrangements. Another important also largely neglected factor is the degree of social cohesion in terms of labor standards among potential trading partners. Accepting social integration might also be a condition for admitting those countries to the agreement. Changes of trade policy over time can therefore be explained by changes in the relative political influence of the sectors considered. The other important factors are, of course, a change in the degree of retaliation, leading to lower tariffs under higher retaliation, and a leveling of social standards. Redistribution across countries could also considerably change the optimal rate of tariff. The EU with its regional cohesion funds might be a good example of how those are used as a side-payment for diminishing the social divergence in the member countries. Countries with higher standards should only be willing to integrate when others raise their social standards as well. The negotiations about the social protocol in the EU indicate that this is in fact the case. More than 40 years of European integration have led to an habituation of thinking of the European Community as something ideologically neutral, which transcends normal political debate. European issues, it seems, do not fit the structure of the usual right-left ideological controversy. The only open fault-line in European politics is between advocates of "more" and those of "less" integration. The paper explores the potential cognitive and political gains of a change of perspective. It argues that the issue of more or less integration is often not interesting in itself but only to the degree that it influences the content of policies. It further shows that the policies at stake are normally such, that they can be usefully debated in the right-left framework. The decision about the site of policy control - national or European - is often only the guise in which a decision about the redrawing of the boundary between market and state, between the sphere of competitive allocation and the sphere of political coordination, materializes. This paper aimed at stressing the fundamental differences between conventional and contractarian constitutional orders. To achieve it, we have used the concept of common knowledge and have related it to its political philosophy background, especially with regard to communication and induction. The former generates a spontaneous social order - it is an evolutionist view that belongs to the Hume - Menger - Hayek tradition. The latter produces a contractarian vision shared by the Brennan-Buchanan-Tullock tradition. We consider here a basic distinction between institutions and conventions. An institution is considered as a formal, explicit rule, while a convention appears to be a tacit, implicit agreement. The former can be associated with contractarian constitutionalism, whereas the latter is related to evolutionism. In this context, institutions should not be understood as formalized conventions (such as law in Hayek). They are rather the expression of a voluntary and deliberate agreement, of a covenant. The application describes features relevant to the development of a European constitution and the corresponding unified legal system. It requires a clear vision of what a European "state" is meant to be or become. Then, once a constitutional setting is chosen, one must address the question of legal organization, in particular the nature of administrative law. Two different acceptation of law are thus associated with the two concepts of convention and contractarian institution. The former can be regarded as customary rule a kind of common knowledge that emerges from tradition and sympathy. By contrast, the latter is the place of explicitly created common knowledge. If it is to become more integrated, Europe will have to tackle this constitutional question, either in an evolutionary or in a contractarian way.

scholarly journals Rights and religious belief in maintaining prison social order

2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-16 ◽  
Author(s):  
Elijah Tukwariba Yin ◽  
Peter Atudiwe Atupare
Keyword(s):  
Religious Belief ◽  
Social Order ◽  
Religious Faith ◽  
Social Constructionist ◽  
Transformative Power ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Right ◽  
The Impact ◽  
Depth Interviews ◽  
Constructionist Theory

This paper argues that it is not the prison rules and regulations that alter the behaviour of inmates but rather the ideological justification of their religious faith. The article draws upon the social constructionist theory of reality to underpin the discussion of the data. Data was gathered through in-depth interviews and the distribution of semi structured questionnaires. When analysed, the data revealed that although inmates had the right to practice the precepts of their religious faith as defined in law, in practice, these religious rights were not entirely observed. The partial recognition of these rights divulges that the principle of humane treatment underpinning the respect for rights in prison was ignored and reduced to mere formal respect for rules. Besides, the data disclosed that inmates rarely attributed the change in their personality to the impact of prison rules and regulations, but rather to the transformative power of their religion.

The World Is Not Enough: A Political Dark Ecology

2019 ◽  
Vol 29 (5) ◽  
pp. 103-116
Keyword(s):  
Political Philosophy ◽  
Global Warming ◽  
Political Theory ◽  
Social Order ◽  
Main Concept ◽  
Political Crises ◽  
The Social ◽  
Space Action ◽  
The Right ◽  
Dark Ecology

Timothy Morton’s dark ecology is positioned as an aesthetic and ethical study which is far removed from political theory. Although Morton touches upon actual political crises connected with global warming and on climate change skepticism and also deploys such fundamental concepts of political philosophy as territory, space, action and solidarity, he describes his approach as ontological rather than political. The author finds that dark ecology’s own foundations have been inherited from political theory. However, that does not make it inconsistent; on the contrary, under the right conditions it enables a different apprehension of both ecology and political philosophy. The author asks how politics would proceed in a world of uncertainty and proposes viewing Morton’s theory as a treatise on a political theory that addresses the problem of collective action. This is the main concept of any political philosophy out of which its description of the social order is constructed. Dark ecology denies any possibility of action by emphasizing uncertainty and the impossibility of predicting an action’s consequences, and this opens up new possibilities for conceptualizing action. It is precisely uncertainty that permits segregating action from the guilt that motivated Morton to divorce dark ecology from political philosophy. This is a narrative about the transformation of Morton the emancipator into a law-giver, about how political theory has evolved in parallel with the onset of the Anthropocene, about what will happen to the Leviathan in the age of global warming, and how to change the perception of the political from ontological categories to ethical ones.

Treadwell, Sophie (1885–1970)

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Julia A. Walker
Keyword(s):  
New York ◽  
Women Writers ◽  
San Francisco ◽  
Social Order ◽  
Character Type ◽  
Short Course ◽  
The Social ◽  
Sophie Treadwell ◽  
Episodic Logic ◽  
The Right

Like many women writers of her day, American playwright Sophie Treadwell began her career in journalism, working at the San Francisco Bulletin and the New York Herald Tribune, where she wrote fanciful vignettes before earning the right to cover sensational murder trials of female defendants and report from behind the front lines of war (including an interview with Mexican revolutionary Pancho Villa). These assignments appear to have imprinted her dramatic style, which often tempered realistic situations with surreal, sometimes violent, imagery; a well-made play structure with an episodic logic; and the predictability of a character type with an unexpected act of rebellion. Treadwell, who wrote over forty plays (seven of which were produced on Broadway), is best known for Machinal (1928), an expressionist drama about a ‘young woman’ who is coercively compelled to enact the roles of secretary, daughter, wife, and mother over the short course of her doomed life. Only in an illicit love affair does she find true happiness, taking inspiration from her lover’s tales of renegade justice in Mexico to free herself from her oppressive marriage by killing her husband. But her freedom is short-lived, as the social order hails her back into its defining structures. After being forced to fit the pre-set narratives of a sensationalistic press, her life is condemned by the law before finally being taken from her by way of the electric chair.

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