scholarly journals Any Chance for the Enforceability of the Human Right to Subsistence?

2020 ◽  
pp. 140-162
Author(s):  
Celia Fernández Aller

It is not true that the idea of the right to subsistence should not give rise to much controversy. In fact, social rights are not considered as fundamental rights by everyone. The aim of this paper is to analyze whether abstract social rights –and the right to subsistence in particular- should be put in constitutions and laws and if judges should be given powers to interpret them. The philosophical foundations and the content of the right are studied and five great challenges are presented, although the most powerful one is to focus on the social and political enforceability of the fundamental right to subsistence. Assessing the effectiveness of the right to subsistence, and the right to food particularly, is a complex issue. In the legal discourse, the question seems to be only suggested.  Even when the Constitutions expressly recognize this right in some countries, its implementation faces many constraints. The progressive realization of ESC rights requires a complex interaction of policies and programs in a wide range of sectors and institutions.The scientific method used in this work is the legal-sociological method, regarding the understanding of the rules, the lack of them, their effectiveness,  etc.   Several methodological techniques have been used, such as social and legal analysis, legal deduction and induction, description and interdisciplinarity.

2017 ◽  
Vol 18 (1) ◽  
pp. 65-72
Author(s):  
Marcelo Ferreira Ribas

O presente artigo visa abordar a questão da efetividade dos Direitos Sociais a partir da análise da Emenda Constitucional nº 90/2015, que inseriu o transporte no rol dos Direitos Sociais da Constituição Federal. Para tanto, adota-se a metodologia de abordagem dedutiva, posto partir da análise doutrinária do direito material para compreender seus desdobramentos fáticos e, no desenvolvimento da pesquisa, emprega-se a técnica de documentação indireta, mediante o recurso à bibliografia de juristas que discorrem sobre o tema. Depreende-se que o reconhecimento do direito ao transporte como Direito Social apresenta-se como oportunidade para refletir acerca do conceito e da natureza jurídica dos Direitos Sociais e de seu lugar no ordenamento jurídico. Como Direitos Fundamentais, os Direitos Sociais privilegiam a igualdade material na sociedade e, para tanto, demandam prestações por parte do Estado em benefício da população carente. Juridicamente eficazes, a eficácia social ou efetividade encontra óbice na teoria da reserva do possível, por meio da qual o Estado alega insuficiência de recursos a serem dispendidos para a concretização desses direitos. Além disso, há também o poder de disposição do Estado para geri-los discricionariamente, por meio do qual age, por vezes, desconsiderando as expectativas da sociedade. Ao final, propõe-se o aprimoramento dos instrumentos que garantam a participação popular na gestão democrática do orçamento público e na tomada de decisões, em vista da superação dos problemas relativos à efetividade dos Direitos Sociais e, consequentemente, da distância existente entre a norma e a realidade.Palavras-chave: Transporte. Direitos Sociais. Reserva do Possível. Discricionariedade.AbstractThis article aims to approach the issue of the effectiveness of social rights from the analysis of Constitutional Amendment 90/2015, which inserted the transportation in the roll of social rights of the Federal Constitution. For that, the methodology of deductive approach is adopted, based on a doctrinal analysis of the material law to understand its unfolding events and, during the research development,the technique of indirect documentation is used, through the use of the jurists’ bibliography who discourse about the subject. It seems that the recognition of the right to transportation as a social right presents itself as an opportunity to reflect on the concept and legal nature of social rights and their place in the legal system. As fundamental rights, the social rights privilege the material equality in the society and, therefore, demand State provisions in benefit of the poor population. Legally effective, the social effectiveness or effectiveness finds obstacle in the reserve of the possible theory, whereby the State claims insufficient resources to be spent for the realization of these rights. In addition, there is also the State’s power to dispose of it at its own discretion, by means of which it sometimes acts in disregard of the society expectations. In the end, it is proposed to improve the instruments that guarantee popular participation in the democratic management of the public budget and in decisionmaking, in order to overcome the problems related to the effectiveness of social rights and, consequently, the distance between the norm and the reality. Keywords: Transportation. Social Rights. Reserve of the Possible. Discretion.


2018 ◽  
Vol 9 (3) ◽  
pp. 263-286
Author(s):  
Vincenzo Bavaro ◽  
Vincenzo Pietrogiovanni

This article aims to introduce in the scientific debate on the future of EU labour law and its relationship with human and fundamental rights, a redefinition of the collective labour rights in terms of ‘collective labour freedoms’. This redefinition is undertaken in different steps and initiates from the so-called ‘Laval doctrine’ that has emancipated the economic freedoms (mainly referred to as the freedoms of the employers) from the social rights (mainly referred to as the rights of workers and trade unions): collective labour freedoms do not question the outcome of the balance struck by the CJEU but the possibility of balancing per se. In order to do so, this contribution proposes a different methodology that synthesises a socio-historical analysis of social rights as materially considered and acted by social partners with a positive reading of fundamental charters and constitutions in which the freedom of association, the right to collective bargaining and industrial action are recognised as tools to regulate the interests of a social and economic nature (in form of an inseparable hendiadys) pursued by both sides of the labour market, employers and employees. Collective labour freedoms underline the inherent economic nature of labour law and, in line with the theoretical framework (but opposite in terms of political goals) with the German ordoliberals, they do not deny the freedom of market; moreover, they are valuable entitlements to achieve the social market economy as enshrined in Art. 3(3) of TEU. The article finally presents a possible outcome of the proposed methodology with an example taken from a pivotal case from the Italian Supreme Court on the limits to the exercise of the right to strike in non-standard forms.


Author(s):  
Sarah Song

Chapter 6 examines three rights-based arguments for freedom of movement across borders. Three rights-based arguments have been offered in support of freedom of international movement. The first claims that freedom of movement is a fundamental human right in itself. The second adopts a “cantilever” strategy, arguing that freedom of international movement is a logical extension of existing fundamental rights, including the right of domestic free movement and the right to exit one’s country. The third argument is libertarian: international free movement is necessary to respect individual freedom of association and contract. This chapter shows why these arguments fail to justify a general right to free movement across the globe. What is morally required is not a general right of international free movement but an approach that privileges those whose basic human rights are at stake.


2007 ◽  
Vol 14 (4) ◽  
pp. 425-453 ◽  
Author(s):  
Noam Schimmel

AbstractThe right to an education that is consonant with and draws upon the culture and language of indigenous peoples is a human right which is too often overlooked by governments when they develop and implement programmes whose purported goals are to improve the social, economic and political status of these peoples. Educational programmes for indigenous peoples must fully respect and integrate human rights protections, particularly rights to cultural continuity and integrity. Racist attitudes dominate many government development programmes aimed at indigenous peoples. Educational programmes for indigenous peoples are often designed to forcibly assimilate them and destroy the uniqueness of their language, values, culture and relationship with their native lands. Until indigenous peoples are empowered to develop educational programmes for their own communities that reflect and promote their values and culture, their human rights are likely to remain threatened by governments that use education as a political mechanism for coercing indigenous peoples to adapt to a majority culture that does not recognize their rights, and that seeks to destroy their ability to sustain and pass on to future generations their language and culture.


2021 ◽  
Vol 37 (1) ◽  
pp. 75-115
Author(s):  
Soo Jung Jang ◽  
Kyungheun Baek ◽  
Byoung-Inn Kim ◽  
Hyejung Lee ◽  
Jin Bhang Oh

Author(s):  
Hannah Lambie-Mumford

Chapter 3 sets out the key theories with which the book engages: food insecurity and the human right to food. Following on from a conceptualisation and definition of food insecurity, the right to food is introduced. Emphasis is placed on normative element of ‘adequacy and sustainability of food availability and access’ and on the state’s obligation to ‘respect, protect and fulfil the right to food’. Theories of ‘othering’ and ‘agency’ are employed to assess the social acceptability of emergency food systems as a means of acquiring food, and the power of providers to make sufficient food available through these systems and of potential recipients to access it. Theories of ‘care’ and ‘social protection’ are employed to explore the ways in which charitable providers are in practice taking responsibility for the duty to respect, protect and fulfil the right to food and how shifts in welfare policy are affecting need for this provision.


Author(s):  
Gabriela Torres-Hernández ◽  
Patricio García-Espinosa ◽  
Edgar Botello-Hernández ◽  
Diego Ortega-Moreno

During February  2021, a protest was organized by Mexican medical students through social media. About 200 interns, social service physicians and physicians protested peacefully in front of the city hall of Monterrey, Nuevo Leon, the capital of Mexico's second largest metropolitan area. Due to the current contingency situation, it was requested to attend with face shield and masks. The reason for the protest was to raise their voice due to the precarious situation where social service physicians are sent to rural areas of the country in which they have all the obligations of workers but without belonging to the working class - lacking the the benefits of this same as a living wage or fair working hours. The protesters were in limbo between student and worker. The protest also demanded justice for the sensitive death of young doctors due to malpractice situations of the Mexican authorities. We believe that a total reform of the social service in medicine is necessary. It is the responsibility of the authorities to cover the rural areas with permanently trained doctors without depending on recently graduated doctors. It is always important to assert our fundamental rights, including the right to protest in a peaceful manner.


2017 ◽  
Vol 6 (s2) ◽  
pp. 9-17
Author(s):  
Pir Ali Kaya ◽  
Ceyhun Güler

Abstract According to The European Social Charter, the European Convention on Human Rights, the ILO Conventions, the decisions of the European Court of Human Rights, the decisions of the European Social Rights Committee and the ILO supervisory bodies, the right to collective action is a democratic right that aims to protect and correct the economic and social interests of workers in the workplace or in another place appropriate for the purpose of action. The above-mentioned institutions accept the right to collective action as a fundamental human right. According to the decisions of the European Court of Human Rights, the right to collective action is regarded as a democratic right, including strike. In particular, the right to collective action is being used as a resistance mechanism against new working relations, which are imposed on working conditions, right to work and the right to organize. However, the tendency of this right to political field, leads to some debate about the legality of the right to collective action. In this context, In the decision of the European Court of Human Rights, the ILO's supervisory bodies and the European Committee on Social Rights, it is emphasized that collective action rights should be a basic human right. In this study, the legal basis of the right to collective action will be discussed in accordance with the decisions and requirements of the European Court of Human Rights and the decisions of the ILO supervisory bodies.


2019 ◽  
pp. 7-13
Author(s):  
O. Y. Vovk

The article contains a historical and legal analysis of proclamations as a cumulative source of Hetmanate’s city law of the second half of 17th – 18th centuries, and their characteristic by origin and purpose. It was established that Hetmanate (a state official name was – Zaporizhian Host) was under the rule of Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth during this period with all the lands and cities, and then as a part of the Russian monarchy. It is studied that in the field of municipal government, public relations in Ukrainian cities were governed by the norms of urban law, including the provisions of local proclamations (locations) of the autonomous government ofHetmanate, which should be divided into separate specific groups. The most significant of them were those that confirmed the granting of the right to self-government of the Magdeburg sample to Ukrainian cities. The proclamations of Ukrainian hetmans of a defensive, prohibited or protective nature, which were granted to the cities of Hetmanate since the reign of B. Khmelnytskyi and including K. Rozumovskyi, protected the rights of urban communities from abuse bythe local administration and representatives of other classes. The cities were given the right to leave a significant part of the income to the city government bodies and burghers by Hetman permitting proclamations. The electoral proclamations of hetmans to certain individuals controlled the order of elections in cities and prevented abuse duringtheir conduct. The regulation proclamations, issued to the cities by hetmans and colonels, clarified the social and economic power ofmagistrates or town halls and established the economic relations of the urban inhabitants. A separate group of local proclamations consisted of those relating to the proper economic activity of urban craft workshops anddefended the social rights of burghers-artisans. It is proved that the norms of proclamations of all groups provided legal regulationof social relations in the sphere of municipal government of Left-Bank Ukraine primarily till the first city reform in Ukrainian citiesconducted by Russian Empire and the introduction of the Charter to Cities of 1785.


2018 ◽  
pp. 178-189
Author(s):  
Grishma Soni ◽  
Prachi V. Motiyani

As we all know that food is the basic Human necessity, without which no one can survive. Making food available for all the people in the world is now days becoming a complex issue. The availability food is decreasing as a result of increase in population that will result in food insecurity or malnutrition. Indian constitution interprets the right to food as part of right to life, which is fundamental human right. Change in climate, the impact of globalization, Global Warming, Carbon dioxide emission from fuel etc. also affects the right to food of many people. This paper examines the situation prevailing in India and looks into the obligations and initiatives by the government of India to ensure Right to Food and make suggestions for addressing the issue and examines the possible way to make the scheme workable to achieve food security.


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